pergi haji ke tanah suci 08111-34-1212 mengisi panggilan-Mu, dengan segera tentunya  yaitu yakni hal  yg diharapkan utk orang yang telah tidak dapat memikul keinginan cintanya kepada Baitullah. Ya,  soal inimemang sangat lumrah sekali.  Nyatanya lebih cepat lebih baik  dikerjakan,  ketimbang menunggu kian lama, sedangkan dana yang dimiliki telah mencukupi untuk pergi secara berdikari atau backpacker,  ataupun dengan memakai agen perjalanan  umrah bersama haji yang telah terbaik bersama mengantongi nama di kalangan masyarakat.  Andaikata dapat beserta kawakan,  dapat-dapat pula pergi haji secara  mandiri.  Tetapi,  gimana dengan yg tak mengantongi terampil?  Seumpama telah siap malah  alangkah baiknya menumpang biro jasa perjalanan umroh beserta haji.  karena,  dgn seperti itu, perjalanan haji  esok bakal terasa khusyu dan paling sedap sekali  dialami. Nah, biro perjalanan umroh dan haji yang telah langsung bila dipilih  ialah alhijaz indowisata tour & travel kota jakarta timur daerah khusus ibukota jakarta.  sungguh-sungguh tidak dapat dipungkiri terus bahwa travel alhijaz indowisata memiliki profesional yg terbilang telah memadai panjang termasuk per tahun 2000,  sesudah itu mempunyai jam terbang yang baik,  mengantongi izin sah umroh bersama haji dan provider visa,  badan usaha yg resmi,  beserta yang Tentunya amanah.

Ibadah haji,  pada dasarnya  sesungguhnya  ditetapkan dari pribadi  tiap-tiap  per  yg beribadah.  Hanya saja,  sekali waktu  fasilitas  & keistimewaan  bermacam.  Rata-rata  terurai dalam dua  bagian, haji  regular  dengan haji  plus.  Kemudahan haji  onh plus  jelas  aja  nomor satu.  Contohnya  penginapan bintang 5  & yang  sangat  istimewa  adalah  kedudukannya yang  sekitar dengan Masjidil Haram,  menjadi pusat  sejak ibadah haji.  Asyiknya haji khusus, dapat beribadah  seharian, 24 jam  penuh,  lantaran  tempatnya dekat. Mau ke Masjidil Haram kapan saja,  terpulang  tujuan  individu  sendiri-sendiri,  ingin beribadah atau menginginkan tawaf  di mall.  jemaah setiap malam  solat  pada  front Ka Bah,  senja  Duha saja,  sendiri-sendiri pagi saja  bisa. Bagi itu, sudah  menentukan  yg  tentu saja  diawali dengan  mengucapkan  Bismilah  terus  jitu cepat meregistrasi ibadah haji  menuju alhijaz indowisata tour & travel dengan program paket haji khusus 2022 2023 2024 2025 2026 2027  yg disediakan alhijaz indowisata tour & travel  sejak  kini. Kumpulan  segera,  dgn  maksud yang  percaya  insyaaAllah ibadah kita  Hendak  lancar  dengan  menjadi haji yang mabrur. Program paket haji ini, bergaransi  dengan  mempunyai  jasa  cakap dan  keringanan  &  Fasilitas yang  melindungi kebutuhan Anda. Kunjungi website resmi kami www.alhijazindowisata.net

saco-indonesia.com, Ratu Mariyuana Schapelle Leigh Corby telah mendapat pembebasan bersyarat dari Kementerian Hukum dan Hak Asasi Manusia (Kemenkumham).  
 
Pemberian bebas bersyarat terhadap Ratu Mariyuana Corby itu telah menuai pro-kontra.
 
Bahkan, mantan Ketua Umum Partai Demokrat Anas Urbaningrum, yang juga sudah mendekam di rumah tahanan KPK sebagai tersangka kasus korupsi pembangunan sport center Hambalang itu ikut berkicau melalui akun twitternya.
 
Anas telah menilai pemberian bebas bersyarat itu juga merupakan bentuk kemurahan hati Presiden Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono. Tentu kata dia, dalam pemberian tersebut pasti juga ada imbal baliknya.
 
"Sang Putri Corby siap-siap akan menikmati kemurahan hati. Gerangan apa di baliknya?#bukankuis.*abah," tulis Anas dalam akun twitternya yang beralamatkan ‏@anasurbaningrum, beberapa jam yang lalu, Senin (10/2/2014).
 
Ia telah kembali melontarkan pernyataan bahwa pemberian tersebut tak ubahnya tukar guling perkara tak bisa ditolak SBY.
 
"Apakah Sang Putri Corby hampir mirip dengan "tawaran yang hampir mustahil ditolak?"#bukankuis.*abah," tulisnya lagi.
 
"Mungkinkah Sang Putri Corby harus segera pergi agar tidak menjadi "ganjalan hati"?#bukankuis.*abah," kicaunya.

Editor : Dian Sukmawati

WASHINGTON — The former deputy director of the C.I.A. asserts in a forthcoming book that Republicans, in their eagerness to politicize the killing of the American ambassador to Libya, repeatedly distorted the agency’s analysis of events. But he also argues that the C.I.A. should get out of the business of providing “talking points” for administration officials in national security events that quickly become partisan, as happened after the Benghazi attack in 2012.

The official, Michael J. Morell, dismisses the allegation that the United States military and C.I.A. officers “were ordered to stand down and not come to the rescue of their comrades,” and he says there is “no evidence” to support the charge that “there was a conspiracy between C.I.A. and the White House to spin the Benghazi story in a way that would protect the political interests of the president and Secretary Clinton,” referring to the secretary of state at the time, Hillary Rodham Clinton.

But he also concludes that the White House itself embellished some of the talking points provided by the Central Intelligence Agency and had blocked him from sending an internal study of agency conclusions to Congress.

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“I finally did so without asking,” just before leaving government, he writes, and after the White House released internal emails to a committee investigating the State Department’s handling of the issue.

A lengthy congressional investigation remains underway, one that many Republicans hope to use against Mrs. Clinton in the 2016 election cycle.

In parts of the book, “The Great War of Our Time” (Twelve), Mr. Morell praises his C.I.A. colleagues for many successes in stopping terrorist attacks, but he is surprisingly critical of other C.I.A. failings — and those of the National Security Agency.

Soon after Mr. Morell retired in 2013 after 33 years in the agency, President Obama appointed him to a commission reviewing the actions of the National Security Agency after the disclosures of Edward J. Snowden, a former intelligence contractor who released classified documents about the government’s eavesdropping abilities. Mr. Morell writes that he was surprised by what he found.

“You would have thought that of all the government entities on the planet, the one least vulnerable to such grand theft would have been the N.S.A.,” he writes. “But it turned out that the N.S.A. had left itself vulnerable.”

He concludes that most Wall Street firms had better cybersecurity than the N.S.A. had when Mr. Snowden swept information from its systems in 2013. While he said he found himself “chagrined by how well the N.S.A. was doing” compared with the C.I.A. in stepping up its collection of data on intelligence targets, he also sensed that the N.S.A., which specializes in electronic spying, was operating without considering the implications of its methods.

“The N.S.A. had largely been collecting information because it could, not necessarily in all cases because it should,” he says.

The book is to be released next week.

Mr. Morell was a career analyst who rose through the ranks of the agency, and he ended up in the No. 2 post. He served as President George W. Bush’s personal intelligence briefer in the first months of his presidency — in those days, he could often be spotted at the Starbucks in Waco, Tex., catching up on his reading — and was with him in the schoolhouse in Florida on the morning of Sept. 11, 2001, when the Bush presidency changed in an instant.

Mr. Morell twice took over as acting C.I.A. director, first when Leon E. Panetta was appointed secretary of defense and then when retired Gen. David H. Petraeus resigned over an extramarital affair with his biographer, a relationship that included his handing her classified notes of his time as America’s best-known military commander.

Mr. Morell says he first learned of the affair from Mr. Petraeus only the night before he resigned, and just as the Benghazi events were turning into a political firestorm. While praising Mr. Petraeus, who had told his deputy “I am very lucky” to run the C.I.A., Mr. Morell writes that “the organization did not feel the same way about him.” The former general “created the impression through the tone of his voice and his body language that he did not want people to disagree with him (which was not true in my own interaction with him),” he says.

But it is his account of the Benghazi attacks — and how the C.I.A. was drawn into the debate over whether the Obama White House deliberately distorted its account of the death of Ambassador J. Christopher Stevens — that is bound to attract attention, at least partly because of its relevance to the coming presidential election. The initial assessments that the C.I.A. gave to the White House said demonstrations had preceded the attack. By the time analysts reversed their opinion, Susan E. Rice, now the national security adviser, had made a series of statements on Sunday talk shows describing the initial assessment. The controversy and other comments Ms. Rice made derailed Mr. Obama’s plan to appoint her as secretary of state.

The experience prompted Mr. Morell to write that the C.I.A. should stay out of the business of preparing talking points — especially on issues that are being seized upon for “political purposes.” He is critical of the State Department for not beefing up security in Libya for its diplomats, as the C.I.A., he said, did for its employees.

But he concludes that the assault in which the ambassador was killed took place “with little or no advance planning” and “was not well organized.” He says the attackers “did not appear to be looking for Americans to harm. They appeared intent on looting and conducting some vandalism,” setting fires that killed Mr. Stevens and a security official, Sean Smith.

Mr. Morell paints a picture of an agency that was struggling, largely unsuccessfully, to understand dynamics in the Middle East and North Africa when the Arab Spring broke out in late 2011 in Tunisia. The agency’s analysts failed to see the forces of revolution coming — and then failed again, he writes, when they told Mr. Obama that the uprisings would undercut Al Qaeda by showing there was a democratic pathway to change.

“There is no good explanation for our not being able to see the pressures growing to dangerous levels across the region,” he writes. The agency had again relied too heavily “on a handful of strong leaders in the countries of concern to help us understand what was going on in the Arab street,” he says, and those leaders themselves were clueless.

Moreover, an agency that has always overvalued secretly gathered intelligence and undervalued “open source” material “was not doing enough to mine the wealth of information available through social media,” he writes. “We thought and told policy makers that this outburst of popular revolt would damage Al Qaeda by undermining the group’s narrative,” he writes.

Instead, weak governments in Egypt, and the absence of governance from Libya to Yemen, were “a boon to Islamic extremists across both the Middle East and North Africa.”

Mr. Morell is gentle about most of the politicians he dealt with — he expresses admiration for both Mr. Bush and Mr. Obama, though he accuses former Vice President Dick Cheney of deliberately implying a connection between Al Qaeda and Iraq that the C.I.A. had concluded probably did not exist. But when it comes to the events leading up to the Bush administration’s decision to go to war in Iraq, he is critical of his own agency.

Mr. Morell concludes that the Bush White House did not have to twist intelligence on Saddam Hussein’s alleged effort to rekindle the country’s work on weapons of mass destruction.

“The view that hard-liners in the Bush administration forced the intelligence community into its position on W.M.D. is just flat wrong,” he writes. “No one pushed. The analysts were already there and they had been there for years, long before Bush came to office.”