MAU UMROH BERSAMA TRAVEL TERBAIK DI INDONESIA ALHIJAZ INDO WISTA..?

YOOK LANGSUNG WHATSAPP AJA KLIK DISINI 811-1341-212
 

Jasa Badal Umroh Haji Amanah Terpercaya Biaya Murah

berangkat haji ke tanah suci 08111-34-1212 memenuhi panggilan-Mu,  dgn segera tentunya  yaitu adalah hal yang diimpikan untuk orang  yg sudah tak bisa menahan rasa rindunya terhadap Baitullah. Ya,  ihwal ini sebenarnya sangat lazim sekali.  Persisnya lebih cepat lebih baik  direalisasikan, daripada menantikan bertambah lama, sedangkan keuangan yang dipunyai sudah mencukupi utk pergi secara  mandiri maupun backpacker,  maupun dengan memakai agen perjalanan umroh dan haji yang telah tersedia luas bersama memiliki kehormatan di kalangan  rakyat.  Bilamana bisa dengan berpengetahuan, boleh-boleh juga pergi haji secara berdikari. Namun, bagaimana dengan yg belum mengantongi cakap?  Kalau sudah cukup malah lebih baik menggunakan agen jasa perjalanan  umrah & haji. sebab,  dgn serupa itu, perjalanan haji  kelak hendak terasa khusyu & paling senang sekali  dialami. Nah, biro perjalanan  umrah dengan haji yang pernah jitu bila dipilih merupakan travel umroh alhijaz indowisata daerah khusus ibukota jakarta.  benar tdk bisa dipungkiri terus bahwa pt alhijaz indowisata jakarta mempunyai pengalaman yg terbilang telah memadai lama terhitung mulai thn 2000,  terus memiliki waktu terbang yang bagus,  mengantongi izin sah umroh bersama haji  beserta provider visa, kantor yg resmi, dan yg Mestinya jujur.

Ibadah haji,  pada dasarnya  sesungguhnya  ditetapkan dari pribadi  tiap-tiap semenjak yang beribadah. Cuma  jua,  kadang kala kemudahan  bersama  kehebatan  beraneka.  Lazimnya  terpecah  di dalam  2  bagian, haji  regular dan haji  onh plus.  Fasilitas haji  plus  terang  jua  nomor satu. Seperti  penginapan  * 5 dan yang paling luar biasa  adalah  tempatnya  yg  sekitar  dgn Masjidil Haram,  menjadi  sentral  sejak ibadah haji.  Mujurnya haji  onh plus,  bisa beribadah  bebas, 24 jam  penuh,  lantaran lokasinya  sekitar. Mau  menuju Masjidil Haram kapan saja,  tergantung  dambaan  diri  sendiri-sendiri,  ingin beribadah  ataupun ingin tawaf dalam mall. jama ah  tiap-tiap  senja sholat dalam depan Ka Bah, malam  Duha  juga,  sendiri-sendiri pagi  juga dapat. Bagi itu, sudah  memilih  yg  mesti  pula  diawali  dgn  mengucapkan  Bismillah  sesudah itu  langsung cepat  mendaftar ibadah haji ke alhijaz travel umroh  dgn program paket haji  onh plus 2022 2023 2024 2025 2026 2027 yang disediakan alhijaz indowisata jakarta  mulai  saat ini. Kumpulan cepat,  dgn  maksud  yg  pasti  insyaa Allah ibadah kita  Akan  paham  bersama  menjadi haji  yg mabrur. Program paket haji ini, bergaransi  &  mempunyai  pelayanan berpengalaman  bersama  fasilitas  beserta Akomodasi yang  mengurus  keperluan Anda. Kunjungi website resmi kami www.alhijazindowisata.net

paket haji tahun 2023

Msaco-indonesia.com, Meski intensitas hujan dalam beberapa hari sudah menurun namun nyatanya genangan air juga masih terlihat di beberapa titik ruas jalan Ibu Kota Jakarta. Seperti yang telah terlihat di Jl Gunung Sahari menuju arah Senen, Jakarta Pusat. Genangan air sekitar 30 cm telah terjadi di jalan tersebut.

Tuti, salah seorang pedagang yang biasa mangkal di jalan itu, juga mengatakan genangan air di jalan tersebut juga biasa terjadi usai turun hujan. Hal itu juga kerap menjadi penyebab kemacetan.

"Biasanya juga begitu. Mungkin gorong-gorongnya juga sudah penuh," ujarnya, di lokasi, Selasa (11/2).

Meski Jakarta adalah ibu kota negara, nyatanya jalan-jalan utama juga masih belum bebas dari banjir jika hujan turun. Walau arus lalu lintas di jalan itu macet, pengendara tetap saja melewati jalan itu.

pengendara sepeda motor mengangkat kakinya agar tak terkena air.


Editor : Dian Sukmawati

JALAN GUNUNG SAHARI BANJIR 30 CM

WASHINGTON — The former deputy director of the C.I.A. asserts in a forthcoming book that Republicans, in their eagerness to politicize the killing of the American ambassador to Libya, repeatedly distorted the agency’s analysis of events. But he also argues that the C.I.A. should get out of the business of providing “talking points” for administration officials in national security events that quickly become partisan, as happened after the Benghazi attack in 2012.

The official, Michael J. Morell, dismisses the allegation that the United States military and C.I.A. officers “were ordered to stand down and not come to the rescue of their comrades,” and he says there is “no evidence” to support the charge that “there was a conspiracy between C.I.A. and the White House to spin the Benghazi story in a way that would protect the political interests of the president and Secretary Clinton,” referring to the secretary of state at the time, Hillary Rodham Clinton.

But he also concludes that the White House itself embellished some of the talking points provided by the Central Intelligence Agency and had blocked him from sending an internal study of agency conclusions to Congress.

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Michael J. Morell Credit Mark Wilson/Getty Images

“I finally did so without asking,” just before leaving government, he writes, and after the White House released internal emails to a committee investigating the State Department’s handling of the issue.

A lengthy congressional investigation remains underway, one that many Republicans hope to use against Mrs. Clinton in the 2016 election cycle.

In parts of the book, “The Great War of Our Time” (Twelve), Mr. Morell praises his C.I.A. colleagues for many successes in stopping terrorist attacks, but he is surprisingly critical of other C.I.A. failings — and those of the National Security Agency.

Soon after Mr. Morell retired in 2013 after 33 years in the agency, President Obama appointed him to a commission reviewing the actions of the National Security Agency after the disclosures of Edward J. Snowden, a former intelligence contractor who released classified documents about the government’s eavesdropping abilities. Mr. Morell writes that he was surprised by what he found.

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“You would have thought that of all the government entities on the planet, the one least vulnerable to such grand theft would have been the N.S.A.,” he writes. “But it turned out that the N.S.A. had left itself vulnerable.”

He concludes that most Wall Street firms had better cybersecurity than the N.S.A. had when Mr. Snowden swept information from its systems in 2013. While he said he found himself “chagrined by how well the N.S.A. was doing” compared with the C.I.A. in stepping up its collection of data on intelligence targets, he also sensed that the N.S.A., which specializes in electronic spying, was operating without considering the implications of its methods.

“The N.S.A. had largely been collecting information because it could, not necessarily in all cases because it should,” he says.

The book is to be released next week.

Mr. Morell was a career analyst who rose through the ranks of the agency, and he ended up in the No. 2 post. He served as President George W. Bush’s personal intelligence briefer in the first months of his presidency — in those days, he could often be spotted at the Starbucks in Waco, Tex., catching up on his reading — and was with him in the schoolhouse in Florida on the morning of Sept. 11, 2001, when the Bush presidency changed in an instant.

Mr. Morell twice took over as acting C.I.A. director, first when Leon E. Panetta was appointed secretary of defense and then when retired Gen. David H. Petraeus resigned over an extramarital affair with his biographer, a relationship that included his handing her classified notes of his time as America’s best-known military commander.

Mr. Morell says he first learned of the affair from Mr. Petraeus only the night before he resigned, and just as the Benghazi events were turning into a political firestorm. While praising Mr. Petraeus, who had told his deputy “I am very lucky” to run the C.I.A., Mr. Morell writes that “the organization did not feel the same way about him.” The former general “created the impression through the tone of his voice and his body language that he did not want people to disagree with him (which was not true in my own interaction with him),” he says.

But it is his account of the Benghazi attacks — and how the C.I.A. was drawn into the debate over whether the Obama White House deliberately distorted its account of the death of Ambassador J. Christopher Stevens — that is bound to attract attention, at least partly because of its relevance to the coming presidential election. The initial assessments that the C.I.A. gave to the White House said demonstrations had preceded the attack. By the time analysts reversed their opinion, Susan E. Rice, now the national security adviser, had made a series of statements on Sunday talk shows describing the initial assessment. The controversy and other comments Ms. Rice made derailed Mr. Obama’s plan to appoint her as secretary of state.

The experience prompted Mr. Morell to write that the C.I.A. should stay out of the business of preparing talking points — especially on issues that are being seized upon for “political purposes.” He is critical of the State Department for not beefing up security in Libya for its diplomats, as the C.I.A., he said, did for its employees.

But he concludes that the assault in which the ambassador was killed took place “with little or no advance planning” and “was not well organized.” He says the attackers “did not appear to be looking for Americans to harm. They appeared intent on looting and conducting some vandalism,” setting fires that killed Mr. Stevens and a security official, Sean Smith.

Mr. Morell paints a picture of an agency that was struggling, largely unsuccessfully, to understand dynamics in the Middle East and North Africa when the Arab Spring broke out in late 2011 in Tunisia. The agency’s analysts failed to see the forces of revolution coming — and then failed again, he writes, when they told Mr. Obama that the uprisings would undercut Al Qaeda by showing there was a democratic pathway to change.

“There is no good explanation for our not being able to see the pressures growing to dangerous levels across the region,” he writes. The agency had again relied too heavily “on a handful of strong leaders in the countries of concern to help us understand what was going on in the Arab street,” he says, and those leaders themselves were clueless.

Moreover, an agency that has always overvalued secretly gathered intelligence and undervalued “open source” material “was not doing enough to mine the wealth of information available through social media,” he writes. “We thought and told policy makers that this outburst of popular revolt would damage Al Qaeda by undermining the group’s narrative,” he writes.

Instead, weak governments in Egypt, and the absence of governance from Libya to Yemen, were “a boon to Islamic extremists across both the Middle East and North Africa.”

Mr. Morell is gentle about most of the politicians he dealt with — he expresses admiration for both Mr. Bush and Mr. Obama, though he accuses former Vice President Dick Cheney of deliberately implying a connection between Al Qaeda and Iraq that the C.I.A. had concluded probably did not exist. But when it comes to the events leading up to the Bush administration’s decision to go to war in Iraq, he is critical of his own agency.

Mr. Morell concludes that the Bush White House did not have to twist intelligence on Saddam Hussein’s alleged effort to rekindle the country’s work on weapons of mass destruction.

“The view that hard-liners in the Bush administration forced the intelligence community into its position on W.M.D. is just flat wrong,” he writes. “No one pushed. The analysts were already there and they had been there for years, long before Bush came to office.”

Ex-C.I.A. Official Rebuts Republican Claims on Benghazi Attack in The Great War of Our Time

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