Setiap jamaah yang berangkat umroh atau haji khusus Call/Wa. 08111-34-1212 pasti menginginkan perjalanan ibadah haji plus atau umrohnya bisa terlaksana dengan lancar, nyaman dan aman sehingga menjadi mabrur. Demi mewujudkan kami sangat memahami keinginan para jamaah sehingga merancang program haji onh plus dan umroh dengan tepat. Jika anda ingin melaksanakan Umrah dan Haji dengan tidak dihantui rasa was-was dan serta ketidakpastian, maka Alhijaz Indowisata Travel adalah solusi sebagai biro perjalanan anda yang terbaik dan terpercaya.?agenda umroh 12 hari
Biro Perjalanan Haji dan Umrah yang memfokuskan diri sebagai biro perjalanan yang bisa menjadi sahabat perjalanan ibadah Anda, yang sudah sangat berpengalaman dan dipercaya sejak tahun 2010, mengantarkan tamu Allah minimal 5 kali dalam sebulan ke tanah suci tanpa ada permasalahan. Paket yang tersedia sangat beragam mulai paket umroh 9 hari, 12 hari, umroh wisata muslim turki, dubai, aqso. Biaya umroh murah yang sudah menggunakan rupiah sehingga jamaah tidak perlu repot dengan nilai tukar kurs asing. daftar haji Pondok Gede
Jangan Takut Dengan Beberapa Cerita klenik yang beredar di KPK
Saco-Indonesia.com - Tidak usah takut orang-orang KPK asalkan bkerja tulus iklas karena Alloh untuk memakmurkan bangsa ini sehebat apapun dukun yang akan menyerang orang-orang KPK tidak akan mampu melawan kekuatan Alloh. karena orang-orang Koruptor itu jumlahnya kalah banya dengan orang-orang disakiti oleh Koruptor itu sendiri, jadi dengan banyaknya doa dari orang-orang tersakiti oleh koruptor maka santet apapun tidak akan berhasil untuk memerangi orang-orang KPK, terus berjuang tegakan hukum sesuai Quran dan Hadist. Percaya tidak percaya klenik juga berhubungan dengan Komisi Pemberantasan Korupsi ( KPK ). Sejumlah paranormal menyebut ada upaya dari pihak sakit hati menyerang pimpinan lembaga antirasuah secara gaib.
Kabar itu makin santer ketika KPK mengusut dugaan korupsi yang menjerat dinasti Gubernur Banten Ratu Atut Chosiyah . Tanpa diminta beberapa paranormal datang untuk memberikan pengamanan.
Tokoh Banten Ahmad Subadri sempat bertemu dengan Ketua KPK Abraham Samad dan Wakil Adnan Pandu Praja agar tidak terpengaruh dengan serangan gaib. Sudah menjadi rahasia umum, Banten memang diidentikkan dengan hal-hal gaib yang demikian.
"KPK mengatakan tidak khawatir. Pak Abraham, Pandu mengatakan mereka siap lahir batin untuk memberantas korupsi di Banten," ujarnya.
Berikut cerita klenik di lembaga antikorupsi:
1. Ada serangan gaib, bola api & awan hitam masuk ke KPK
Serangan balik terhadap Komisi Pemberantasan Korupsi (KPK) ternyata dilakukan juga secara gaib. Paranormal Permadi mengaku dapat melihat KPK 'dikerjai' oleh para koruptor yang memakai jasa dukun.
"KPK kalau malam ada bola api masuk, ada awan hitam masuk," kata Permadi di Gedung KPK Jalan HR Rasuna Said, Kuningan, Jakarta Selatan, Selasa (17/12).
Politikus Gerindra itu berpesan agar nyali lembaga anti korupsi tak ciut menghadapi serangan seperti itu. Pria yang dikenal gemar berpakaian hitam-hitam tersebut mengaku sudah membentengi KPK.
"Saya akan bantu KPK dengan Eyang Subur, enggak perlu takut. Saya sudah membersihkan KPK," kata mantan anggota DPR itu.
2. Santet diarahkan ke ketua dan wakil KPK
Paranormal Ki Sabdo Jagad Royo mendatangi Gedung KPK. Ki Sabdo mengaku datang ke KPK untuk memberitahu ada ancaman serius bagi para pimpinan KPK. Apa ancaman yang dimaksud Ki Sabdo?
"Ya banyak pokoknya. Dan itu dilakukan dengan cara-cara gaib yang tidak terlihat," imbuh paranormal asal Surabaya itu.
Saat ditanya siapa yang mengirimkan santet kepada pimpinan KPK tersebut, Ki Sabdo enggan menyebutkan secara detail. Menurutnya pihak-pihak yang saat ini ini sedang diendus korupsinya tidak senang dan akan menyantet para pimpinan KPK.
"Saya ingatkan kepada Ketua KPK dan wakilnya ada ancaman serius. Bahkan mengarah ke nyawa anda," ujar Ki Sabdo.
3. Ditemukan kantong plastik hitam isi kulit kayu
Gundukan tanah tidak wajar ditemukan di halaman KPK oleh petugas keamanan. Setelah digali ditemukan benda berupa bungkusan kantong plastik hitam berisikan kulit kayu berbau wangi kembang.
Selain itu ditemukan juga bungkus balsem dalam plastik putih. Benda-benda itu diduga sengaja dikirim oleh pihak bermasalah secara gaib dengan keperluan jahat seperti santet.
"Awalnya penjaga melihat ada gundukan tanah yang tidak wajar di halaman KPK, ketika digali kami menemukan benda tersebut," terang Juru Bicara KPK Johan Budi.
4. Anak buah hakim mau santet KPK
Hakim Agung Andi Abu Ayub Saleh mengungkapkan anak buahnya berencana mengirim teluh alias santet ke Komisi Pemberantasan Korupsi (KPK). Menurut dia, anak buahnya, Suprapto, ingin melakukan itu karena takut ditangkap.
"Dia (Suprapto) bilang mau santet Mario, Djodi, KPK. Saya bilang, 'Mana bisa kau santet KPK'. KPK itu gedung," kata Andi.
Hal itu disampaikan Mario saat bersaksi dalam persidangan terdakwa kasus dugaan suap pengurusan kasasi perkara Hutomo Wijaya Ongowarsito di Mahkamah Agung dengan terdakwa Mario Cornelio Bernardo.
5. Serpihan garam di halaman KPK
Suatu hari para penjaga di Gedung KPK dikejutkan dengan berserakannya garam di halaman. Juru Bicara KPK Johan budi mengatakan hal tersebut memang sudah berulang kali terjadi.
"Ini bukan pertama kali kami menemukan benda-benda aneh di area gedung KPK," kata Johan.
Ex-C.I.A. Official Rebuts Republican Claims on Benghazi Attack in ‘The Great War of Our Time’
WASHINGTON — The former deputy director of the C.I.A. asserts in a forthcoming book that Republicans, in their eagerness to politicize the killing of the American ambassador to Libya, repeatedly distorted the agency’s analysis of events. But he also argues that the C.I.A. should get out of the business of providing “talking points” for administration officials in national security events that quickly become partisan, as happened after the Benghazi attack in 2012.
The official, Michael J. Morell, dismisses the allegation that the United States military and C.I.A. officers “were ordered to stand down and not come to the rescue of their comrades,” and he says there is “no evidence” to support the charge that “there was a conspiracy between C.I.A. and the White House to spin the Benghazi story in a way that would protect the political interests of the president and Secretary Clinton,” referring to the secretary of state at the time, Hillary Rodham Clinton.
But he also concludes that the White House itself embellished some of the talking points provided by the Central Intelligence Agency and had blocked him from sending an internal study of agency conclusions to Congress.
“I finally did so without asking,” just before leaving government, he writes, and after the White House released internal emails to a committee investigating the State Department’s handling of the issue.
A lengthy congressional investigation remains underway, one that many Republicans hope to use against Mrs. Clinton in the 2016 election cycle.
In parts of the book, “The Great War of Our Time” (Twelve), Mr. Morell praises his C.I.A. colleagues for many successes in stopping terrorist attacks, but he is surprisingly critical of other C.I.A. failings — and those of the National Security Agency.
Soon after Mr. Morell retired in 2013 after 33 years in the agency, President Obama appointed him to a commission reviewing the actions of the National Security Agency after the disclosures of Edward J. Snowden, a former intelligence contractor who released classified documents about the government’s eavesdropping abilities. Mr. Morell writes that he was surprised by what he found.
“You would have thought that of all the government entities on the planet, the one least vulnerable to such grand theft would have been the N.S.A.,” he writes. “But it turned out that the N.S.A. had left itself vulnerable.”
He concludes that most Wall Street firms had better cybersecurity than the N.S.A. had when Mr. Snowden swept information from its systems in 2013. While he said he found himself “chagrined by how well the N.S.A. was doing” compared with the C.I.A. in stepping up its collection of data on intelligence targets, he also sensed that the N.S.A., which specializes in electronic spying, was operating without considering the implications of its methods.
“The N.S.A. had largely been collecting information because it could, not necessarily in all cases because it should,” he says.
Mr. Morell was a career analyst who rose through the ranks of the agency, and he ended up in the No. 2 post. He served as President George W. Bush’s personal intelligence briefer in the first months of his presidency — in those days, he could often be spotted at the Starbucks in Waco, Tex., catching up on his reading — and was with him in the schoolhouse in Florida on the morning of Sept. 11, 2001, when the Bush presidency changed in an instant.
Mr. Morell twice took over as acting C.I.A. director, first when Leon E. Panetta was appointed secretary of defense and then when retired Gen. David H. Petraeus resigned over an extramarital affair with his biographer, a relationship that included his handing her classified notes of his time as America’s best-known military commander.
Mr. Morell says he first learned of the affair from Mr. Petraeus only the night before he resigned, and just as the Benghazi events were turning into a political firestorm. While praising Mr. Petraeus, who had told his deputy “I am very lucky” to run the C.I.A., Mr. Morell writes that “the organization did not feel the same way about him.” The former general “created the impression through the tone of his voice and his body language that he did not want people to disagree with him (which was not true in my own interaction with him),” he says.
But it is his account of the Benghazi attacks — and how the C.I.A. was drawn into the debate over whether the Obama White House deliberately distorted its account of the death of Ambassador J. Christopher Stevens — that is bound to attract attention, at least partly because of its relevance to the coming presidential election. The initial assessments that the C.I.A. gave to the White House said demonstrations had preceded the attack. By the time analysts reversed their opinion, Susan E. Rice, now the national security adviser, had made a series of statements on Sunday talk shows describing the initial assessment. The controversy and other comments Ms. Rice made derailed Mr. Obama’s plan to appoint her as secretary of state.
The experience prompted Mr. Morell to write that the C.I.A. should stay out of the business of preparing talking points — especially on issues that are being seized upon for “political purposes.” He is critical of the State Department for not beefing up security in Libya for its diplomats, as the C.I.A., he said, did for its employees.
But he concludes that the assault in which the ambassador was killed took place “with little or no advance planning” and “was not well organized.” He says the attackers “did not appear to be looking for Americans to harm. They appeared intent on looting and conducting some vandalism,” setting fires that killed Mr. Stevens and a security official, Sean Smith.
Mr. Morell paints a picture of an agency that was struggling, largely unsuccessfully, to understand dynamics in the Middle East and North Africa when the Arab Spring broke out in late 2011 in Tunisia. The agency’s analysts failed to see the forces of revolution coming — and then failed again, he writes, when they told Mr. Obama that the uprisings would undercut Al Qaeda by showing there was a democratic pathway to change.
“There is no good explanation for our not being able to see the pressures growing to dangerous levels across the region,” he writes. The agency had again relied too heavily “on a handful of strong leaders in the countries of concern to help us understand what was going on in the Arab street,” he says, and those leaders themselves were clueless.
Moreover, an agency that has always overvalued secretly gathered intelligence and undervalued “open source” material “was not doing enough to mine the wealth of information available through social media,” he writes. “We thought and told policy makers that this outburst of popular revolt would damage Al Qaeda by undermining the group’s narrative,” he writes.
Instead, weak governments in Egypt, and the absence of governance from Libya to Yemen, were “a boon to Islamic extremists across both the Middle East and North Africa.”
Mr. Morell is gentle about most of the politicians he dealt with — he expresses admiration for both Mr. Bush and Mr. Obama, though he accuses former Vice President Dick Cheney of deliberately implying a connection between Al Qaeda and Iraq that the C.I.A. had concluded probably did not exist. But when it comes to the events leading up to the Bush administration’s decision to go to war in Iraq, he is critical of his own agency.
Mr. Morell concludes that the Bush White House did not have to twist intelligence on Saddam Hussein’s alleged effort to rekindle the country’s work on weapons of mass destruction.
“The view that hard-liners in the Bush administration forced the intelligence community into its position on W.M.D. is just flat wrong,” he writes. “No one pushed. The analysts were already there and they had been there for years, long before Bush came to office.”