MAU UMROH BERSAMA TRAVEL TERBAIK DI INDONESIA ALHIJAZ INDO WISTA..?

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Banyak sekali pengemudi mobil yang telah melengkapi mobil Toyotanya dengan lampu HID agar lebih terang maupun enak dipandang mata karena sorot cahayanya yang berwarna putih. Dan masih banyak juga yang masih binggung ataupun bimbang di dalam memilih HID yang tepat untuk mobilnya. Kali ini, kita akan membahas lebih dalam tentang bohlam HID beserta kelebihan dan kekurangan lampu HID itu sendiri agar tidak terjebak maupun ragu-ragu ketika memutuskan untuk menggunakan bohlam HID sebagai pilihan utama untuk penyinaran mobilnya.

Pengertian Lampu HID

HID sendiri telah memiliki kepanjangan, yaitu High Intensity Discharge atau yang lebih dikenal dengan lampu Xenon yang mampu untuk menghasilkan cahaya dengan tingkat intensitas yang tinggi alias lebih terang. Untuk tingkat keterangan warna dari lampu HID ditentukan oleh satuan derajat Kelvin (K) dan untuk menyalakan lampu HID diperlukan ballast, yang juga merupakan alat untuk menyediakan dan mengendalikan voltase lampu termasuk juga untuk dapat menstabilkan aliran listrik pada mobil.

Saat ini, sudah sangat banyak sekali lampu HID dengan berbagai merk atau tipe dengan kualitas yang berbeda-beda, produksi dan tentu saja berbeda harga. Karena banyak merk dan kualitas serta janji-janji yang telah ditawarkan, kita juga harus jeli di dalam memilih lampu HID untuk diaplikasikan pada kendaraan kita.

Untuk jenis atau tipe lampu HID yang beredar dipasaran, umumnya telah terdiri dari lampu-lampu model H1,H3,H4,H7,H8,H11,HB3,HB4. Yang telah membedakan antara kode H tersebut adalah pada kedudukan bohlamnya di headlamp mobil kita, sedangkan untuk ballast dapat dikatakan sama semuanya bentuknya (Ingat, sama bentuk belum tentu sama kualitasnya) Model yang paling umum beredar di Indonesia adalah tipe H4 dimana antara lampu jauh dengan lampu dekat menjadi satu.

Warna Cahaya Lampu HID

Lampu HID telah memiliki beberapa tingkatan warna yang dihasilkan berdasarkan perbedaan Kelvin, dan berikut ini adalah daftar warna Lampu HID yang terdapat di pasaran :

    3.500 K mengeluarkan warna Kuning seperti bohlam lampu standart mobil

    4.300 K / 5.000 K mengeluarkan warna putih kekuning-kuning an

    6.000 K / 6.500 K mengeluarkan warna Putih

    8.000 K/ 8.500 K mengeluarkan warna Putih kebiru-biru an

    10.000 K mengeluarkan warna Biru agak keungu-ungu an

    12.700 K mengeluarkan warna Ungu

    15.000 K mengeluarkan warna Pink

Warna lampu HID mobil

Warna Lampu HID

Dari daftar warna di atas, kita juga dapat mengetahui bahwa semakin tinggi Kelvin maka akan mengalami gradasi warna menuju kebiru-biruan ataupun ungu. Hal yang paling penting untuk diingat adalah ketika pemasangan lampu HID selalu pastikan bahwa lampu yang terpasang adalah dengan ukuran 35 watt, jangan memasang yang 50 watt (tidak compatible) karena akan membuat mika head lamp menjadi cepat kuning akibat panas yang berlebihan.

Kelebihan dan Kelemahan lampu HID

Apabila membahas penggunaan lampu HID, maka kelebihan yang telah ditawarkan dari lampu ini (menurut saya) adalah gaya. Tentu sangat enak dilihat ketika melihat cahaya lampu putih yang keluar dari head lamp mobil TETAPI hal ini seringkali menyengsarakan saya sebagai pengemudi ketika di depan mobil yang menggunakan lampu HID.

Pilihan yang paling tepat di dalam menggunakan lampu HID adalah yang 4.300 K, dimana Toyota Fortuner, Alphard maupun mobil premium Toyota lainnya juga sudah menggunakan lampu HID sebagai standart bawaan mobil. Dan batas tolerir yang masih saya anggap menguntungkan adalah pemakaian lampu HID 5.000 / 5.300 K, dimana cahaya yang dikeluarkan masih putih kekuning-kuningan.

Kelemahan lampu HID juga sangat terlihat untuk lampu HID diatas 5.300 Kelvin tentu saja lampu HID yang dipasang lebih diperuntukan untuk mobil-mobil show off ataupun pameran karena cahaya lampu yang dihasilkan tidak dapat menembus hujan maupun kabut. Hal ini tentu saja telah menyusahkan pengemudi yang memiliki mobilitas tinggi di luar-luar daerah. Dari segi fungsional, lampu-lampu HID yang berada di atas 5.300 K seringkali membuat pengemudi mengeluhkan bahwa sorot cahaya lampunya sama sekali tidak membantu di tengah malam berkabut ataupun hujan sekalipun, dan hal ini juga sangat membahayakan kita sebagai pengendara mobil.

Pertanyaan yang paling sering diajukan kepada saya adalah, " Merk apa yang bagus untuk lampu HID ?"

Jujur, penilaian yang bisa saya berikan tentu saja, "ada harga tentu ada kualitas."Setelah mencoba-coba berbagai macam HID dan mencari fakta tentang lampu HID yang beredar di pasaran, ternyata hampir sebagian besar HID adalah produk China dengan embel-embel lisensi negara-negara maju seperti german, usa, dll.

Yang telah membedakan produk mahal dan murah adalah kualitas ballast dan kualitas bohlam lampu HID itu sendiri. Produk yang terlampau murah seringkali ballast cepat mengalami kerusakan sehingga lampu HID mati dalam waktu dekat, memang semua HID rata-rata telah memberikan garansi tetapi bila mengalami mati lampu di malam hari dan harus bolak balik untuk klaim pemasangan, bukankah itu merepotkan ? Kualitas bohlam juga mempengaruhi karena seringkali lampu HID berubah derajat Kelvin nya setelah pemakaian dalam beberapa bulan sehingga cahaya yang dikeluarkan oleh lampu HID menjadi tidak sama dengan pemasangan pertama kali.

Setelah membahas kelemahan dan kelebihan lampu HID, semoga teman-teman sekalian tidak merasa kebinggungan di dalam menentukan apakah perlu menggunakan HID atau tidak, dan lampu HID apa yang sebaiknya digunakan di mobil toyota kesayangannya. Sebenarnya pemasangan aksesoris pada mobil baru yang kita miliki menyebabkan beberapa kekurangan yang mungkin saja dapat berakibat fatal. (baca : kekurangan aksesoris mobil baru)

KELEBIHAN DAN KEKURANGAN LAMPU HID

WASHINGTON — The former deputy director of the C.I.A. asserts in a forthcoming book that Republicans, in their eagerness to politicize the killing of the American ambassador to Libya, repeatedly distorted the agency’s analysis of events. But he also argues that the C.I.A. should get out of the business of providing “talking points” for administration officials in national security events that quickly become partisan, as happened after the Benghazi attack in 2012.

The official, Michael J. Morell, dismisses the allegation that the United States military and C.I.A. officers “were ordered to stand down and not come to the rescue of their comrades,” and he says there is “no evidence” to support the charge that “there was a conspiracy between C.I.A. and the White House to spin the Benghazi story in a way that would protect the political interests of the president and Secretary Clinton,” referring to the secretary of state at the time, Hillary Rodham Clinton.

But he also concludes that the White House itself embellished some of the talking points provided by the Central Intelligence Agency and had blocked him from sending an internal study of agency conclusions to Congress.

Photo
 
Michael J. Morell Credit Mark Wilson/Getty Images

“I finally did so without asking,” just before leaving government, he writes, and after the White House released internal emails to a committee investigating the State Department’s handling of the issue.

A lengthy congressional investigation remains underway, one that many Republicans hope to use against Mrs. Clinton in the 2016 election cycle.

In parts of the book, “The Great War of Our Time” (Twelve), Mr. Morell praises his C.I.A. colleagues for many successes in stopping terrorist attacks, but he is surprisingly critical of other C.I.A. failings — and those of the National Security Agency.

Soon after Mr. Morell retired in 2013 after 33 years in the agency, President Obama appointed him to a commission reviewing the actions of the National Security Agency after the disclosures of Edward J. Snowden, a former intelligence contractor who released classified documents about the government’s eavesdropping abilities. Mr. Morell writes that he was surprised by what he found.

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“You would have thought that of all the government entities on the planet, the one least vulnerable to such grand theft would have been the N.S.A.,” he writes. “But it turned out that the N.S.A. had left itself vulnerable.”

He concludes that most Wall Street firms had better cybersecurity than the N.S.A. had when Mr. Snowden swept information from its systems in 2013. While he said he found himself “chagrined by how well the N.S.A. was doing” compared with the C.I.A. in stepping up its collection of data on intelligence targets, he also sensed that the N.S.A., which specializes in electronic spying, was operating without considering the implications of its methods.

“The N.S.A. had largely been collecting information because it could, not necessarily in all cases because it should,” he says.

The book is to be released next week.

Mr. Morell was a career analyst who rose through the ranks of the agency, and he ended up in the No. 2 post. He served as President George W. Bush’s personal intelligence briefer in the first months of his presidency — in those days, he could often be spotted at the Starbucks in Waco, Tex., catching up on his reading — and was with him in the schoolhouse in Florida on the morning of Sept. 11, 2001, when the Bush presidency changed in an instant.

Mr. Morell twice took over as acting C.I.A. director, first when Leon E. Panetta was appointed secretary of defense and then when retired Gen. David H. Petraeus resigned over an extramarital affair with his biographer, a relationship that included his handing her classified notes of his time as America’s best-known military commander.

Mr. Morell says he first learned of the affair from Mr. Petraeus only the night before he resigned, and just as the Benghazi events were turning into a political firestorm. While praising Mr. Petraeus, who had told his deputy “I am very lucky” to run the C.I.A., Mr. Morell writes that “the organization did not feel the same way about him.” The former general “created the impression through the tone of his voice and his body language that he did not want people to disagree with him (which was not true in my own interaction with him),” he says.

But it is his account of the Benghazi attacks — and how the C.I.A. was drawn into the debate over whether the Obama White House deliberately distorted its account of the death of Ambassador J. Christopher Stevens — that is bound to attract attention, at least partly because of its relevance to the coming presidential election. The initial assessments that the C.I.A. gave to the White House said demonstrations had preceded the attack. By the time analysts reversed their opinion, Susan E. Rice, now the national security adviser, had made a series of statements on Sunday talk shows describing the initial assessment. The controversy and other comments Ms. Rice made derailed Mr. Obama’s plan to appoint her as secretary of state.

The experience prompted Mr. Morell to write that the C.I.A. should stay out of the business of preparing talking points — especially on issues that are being seized upon for “political purposes.” He is critical of the State Department for not beefing up security in Libya for its diplomats, as the C.I.A., he said, did for its employees.

But he concludes that the assault in which the ambassador was killed took place “with little or no advance planning” and “was not well organized.” He says the attackers “did not appear to be looking for Americans to harm. They appeared intent on looting and conducting some vandalism,” setting fires that killed Mr. Stevens and a security official, Sean Smith.

Mr. Morell paints a picture of an agency that was struggling, largely unsuccessfully, to understand dynamics in the Middle East and North Africa when the Arab Spring broke out in late 2011 in Tunisia. The agency’s analysts failed to see the forces of revolution coming — and then failed again, he writes, when they told Mr. Obama that the uprisings would undercut Al Qaeda by showing there was a democratic pathway to change.

“There is no good explanation for our not being able to see the pressures growing to dangerous levels across the region,” he writes. The agency had again relied too heavily “on a handful of strong leaders in the countries of concern to help us understand what was going on in the Arab street,” he says, and those leaders themselves were clueless.

Moreover, an agency that has always overvalued secretly gathered intelligence and undervalued “open source” material “was not doing enough to mine the wealth of information available through social media,” he writes. “We thought and told policy makers that this outburst of popular revolt would damage Al Qaeda by undermining the group’s narrative,” he writes.

Instead, weak governments in Egypt, and the absence of governance from Libya to Yemen, were “a boon to Islamic extremists across both the Middle East and North Africa.”

Mr. Morell is gentle about most of the politicians he dealt with — he expresses admiration for both Mr. Bush and Mr. Obama, though he accuses former Vice President Dick Cheney of deliberately implying a connection between Al Qaeda and Iraq that the C.I.A. had concluded probably did not exist. But when it comes to the events leading up to the Bush administration’s decision to go to war in Iraq, he is critical of his own agency.

Mr. Morell concludes that the Bush White House did not have to twist intelligence on Saddam Hussein’s alleged effort to rekindle the country’s work on weapons of mass destruction.

“The view that hard-liners in the Bush administration forced the intelligence community into its position on W.M.D. is just flat wrong,” he writes. “No one pushed. The analysts were already there and they had been there for years, long before Bush came to office.”

Ex-C.I.A. Official Rebuts Republican Claims on Benghazi Attack in The Great War of Our Time

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