Jadwal Biaya Umroh bulan April

Setiap jamaah yang berangkat umroh atau haji khusus Call/Wa. 08111-34-1212 pasti menginginkan perjalanan ibadah haji plus atau umrohnya bisa terlaksana dengan lancar, nyaman dan aman sehingga menjadi mabrur. Demi mewujudkan kami sangat memahami keinginan para jamaah sehingga merancang program haji onh plus dan umroh dengan tepat. Jika anda ingin melaksanakan Umrah dan Haji dengan tidak dihantui rasa was-was dan serta ketidakpastian, maka Alhijaz Indowisata Travel adalah solusi sebagai biro perjalanan anda yang terbaik dan terpercaya.?agenda umroh 12 hari

Biro Perjalanan Haji dan Umrah yang memfokuskan diri sebagai biro perjalanan yang bisa menjadi sahabat perjalanan ibadah Anda, yang sudah sangat berpengalaman dan dipercaya sejak tahun 2010, mengantarkan tamu Allah minimal 5 kali dalam sebulan ke tanah suci tanpa ada permasalahan. Paket yang tersedia sangat beragam mulai paket umroh 9 hari, 12 hari, umroh wisata muslim turki, dubai, aqso. Biaya umroh murah yang sudah menggunakan rupiah sehingga jamaah tidak perlu repot dengan nilai tukar kurs asing. biro haji Tasikmalaya

Salah satu amal istimewa di bulan puasa adalah umrah di bulan Ramadhan. Keutamaannya menyerupai ibadah haji. Diriwayatkan dalam Shahihain, dari Ibnu Abbas Radhiyallahu ‘Anhuma, Rasulullah Shallallahu ‘Alaihi Wasallam bersabda kepada seorang wanita Anshar, “Apa yang menghalangimu untuk ikut berhaji bersama kami?” Ia menjawab, “Kami tidak memiliki kendaraan kecuali dua ekor unta yang dipakai untuk mengairi tanaman. Bapak dan anaknya berangkat haji dengan satu ekor unta dan meninggalkan satu ekor lagi untuk kami yang digunakan untuk mengairi tanaman.” Nabi Shallallahu ‘Alaihi Wasallam bersabda,

فَإِذَا جَاءَ رَمَضَانُ فَاعْتَمِرِي ، فَإِنَّ عُمْرَةً فِيهِ تَعْدِلُ حَجّ

“Maka apabila datang Ramadhan, berumrahlah. Karena sesungguhnya umrah di dalamnya menyamai ibadah haji.” Dalam riwayat lain, “Seperti haji bersamaku.” Lalu apa maksud dari hadits di atas?

Para ulama berbeda pendapat tentang orang yang akan mendapatkan keutamaan yang tersebut dalam hadits. Paling tidak ada tiga pendapat utama: Pertama, hadits ini khusus untuk wanita yang diajak bicara oleh Nabi Shallallahu ‘Alaihi Wasallam. Di antara ulama yang berpendapat dengannya adalah Sa’id bin Jubair dari kalangan Tabi’in. (lihat fathul Baari, Ibnul Hajar: 3/609)

Sandaran pendapat ini adalah hadits Ummu Ma’qil, beliau berkata: “Haji adalah haji dan umrah adalah umrah. Sungguh Rasulullah Shallallahu ‘Alaihi Wasallam telah mengatakan hal ini kepada-ku; aku tidak tahu apakah itu khusus untuk-ku, -yakni: ataukah untuk manusia secara umum-.” (Diriwayatkan oleh Abu Dawud, no. 1989, hanya saja lafadz hadits ini lemah. Dilemahkan oleh Syaikh Al-Albani dalam Dhaif Abi Dawud)

Pendapat kedua, Keutamaan umrah ini bagi orang yang berniat haji lalu tidak mampu mengerjakannya. Kemudian ia menggantinya dengan umrah di Ramadhan. Sehingga ia mendapat pahala haji secara sempurna bersama Rasulullah Shallallahu ‘Alaihi Wasallam karena terkumpul dalam dirinya niat haji dalam pelaksanaan umrah.

Ibnu Rajab dalam Lathaif al-Ma’arif berkata: Dan ketahuilah, orang yang tak mampu dari satu amal kebaikan dan bersedih serta berangan-angan bisa mengerjakannya maka ia mendapat pahala bersama dengan orang yang mengerjakannya. –lalu beliau menyebutkan contoh-contohnya, di antaranya-  beberapa wanita tidak bisa berhaji bersama Rasulullah Shallallahu ‘Alaihi Wasallam. Maka saat beliau kembali, para wanita bertanya tentang sesuatu yang bisa mencukupkannya (menyamai) dari haji tersebut. Beliau bersabda: ‘Berumrahlah di Ramadhan. Karena sesungguhnya umrah di Ramadhan  menyamai ibadah haji atau haji bersamaku’.” Selesai. Ibnu Katsir dalam Tafsirnya juga menyimpulkan yang sama (I/531)

Pendapat ketiga, Pendapat madhab empat dan selainnya, bahwa keutamaan dalam hadits ini bersifat umum bagi setiap orang yang berumrah di bulan Ramadhan. Umrah di dalamnya menyamai haji berlaku bagi semua orang. Tidak khusus hanya untuk person-person atau karena kondisi tertentu. Hal ini seperti yang disebutkan dalam kitab Radd ak-Mukhtar (II/473), Mawahib al-Jalil (III/29), al-Majmu’ (VII/138), al-Mughni (III/91), dan al-Mausu’ah al-Fiqhiyah (II/144)

Pendapat yang paling mendekati kebenaran adalah pendapat ketiga. Bahwa keutamaan tersebut berlaku bagi siapa saja yang berumrah di bulan Ramadhan. Hal ini didukung oleh beberapa alasan berikut ini:

    Hadits tersebut bersumber diriwayatkan dari sejumlah sahabat. Al-Tirmidzi berkata: “Dalam bab ini bersumber  Ibnu Abbas, Jabir, Abu Hurairah, Anas, Wahb bin Khanbasy.” Dan mayoritas riwayat mereka tidak disebutkan kisah wanita penanya.
    Praktek kaum muslimin sepanjang masa dari kalangan sahabat, tabi’in, para ulama dan shalihin. Mereka sangat semangat melaksanakan umrah di bulan Ramadhan untuk mendapatkan pahala ini.

Penghususan keutamaan ini untuk mereka yang tidak mampu melaksanakan haji pada tahun tersebut terbantahkan dengan jawaban berikut ini: Sesungguhnya orang yang benar niat dan semangatnya lalu mengusahakan sebab-sebabnya yang kemudian ada sesuatu yang menghalanginya, maka Allah Subhanahu wa Ta’ala akan mencatat untuknya pahala amal melalui keutamaan niat. Maka bagaimana Nabi Shallallahu ‘Alaihi Wasallam mengikat pahala dengan amal tambahan, yakni mengerjakan umrah di Ramadhan. Padahal niat yang jujur dan benar sudah cukup untuk diberikan pahala.

Makna Umrah di Ramadhan menyamai Haji

Keutamaan umrah di Ramadhan yang menyamai haji memiliki beberapa makna: Pertama, tidak diragukan lagi bahwa umrah di Ramadhan tidak mencukupkan seseorang dari kewajiban haji. Maknanya, siapa yang sudah umrah di Ramadhan tidak lantas ia terbebas dari kewajiban mengerjakan haji yang wajib.

Maksud dari hadits adalah penyamaan pahala, bukan penyamaan dalam pelaksanaan perintah. Jadi, samanya di sini adalah kadar pahala antara umrah di Ramadhan dan pahala haji. Bukan dari jenis dan bentuknya. Dan tidak diragukan lagi bahwa haji lebih utama daripada  umrah ditinjau dari jenis amal.

Maka siapa yang sudah umrah di Ramadhan maka ia mendapatkan pahala sebanyak pahala haji. Hanya saja dalam pelaksanaan ibadah haji terdapat keutamaan, keistimewaan, dan kedudukan yang tidak didapatkan dalam umrah. Seperti doa di Arafah, melempar jumrah, menyembelih hewan kurban, dan selainnya. Walaupun keduanya sama dalam kadar banyaknya pahala, namuan keduanya tidak sama dalam pelaksanaan dan jenis ibadah. Ini seperti keterangan Ibnu Taimiyah saat beliau menjelaskan hadits yang menyebutkan bahwa surat Al-Ikhlash menyamai sepertiga Al-Qur’an.

Ibnu Rahawaih berkata, makna hadits ini, -yakni hadits: “Umrah di Ramadhan menyamai haji.”- seperti yang diriwayatkan dari Nabi Shallallahu ‘Alaihi Wasallam bahwa beliau bersabda: “Siapa yang membaca Qul Huwallahu Ahad maka sungguh ia telah membaca sepertiga Al-Qur’an.” (HR. al-Tirmidzi)

Ibnu Taimiyah dalam Majmu Fatawanya berkata, “Telah maklum abhwa maksudnya: umrahmu di Ramadhan menyamai haji bersamaku (Nabi Shallallahu ‘Alaihi Wasallam). Karena sungguh ia berkeinginan untuk berhaji bersamanya. Lalu ia terhalang melakukannya. Lalu beliau memberitahukan kepadanya tentang sesuatu yang menyamai kedudukannya. Ini juga berlaku bagi sahabat lain yang kondisinya sama dengannya. Orang berakal tak akan mengatakan seperti yang dipahami orang-orang jahil, bahwa umrah salah seorang kita dari miqat atau dari Makkah menyamai haji bersamanya Shallallahu ‘Alaihi Wasallam. Sungguh sangat maklum, haji yang sempurna lebih utama daripada umrah di Ramadhan. Kalau salah seorang kita mengerjakan haji wajib maka tak akan seperti berhaji bersama beliau. Maka bagaimana dengan umrah!! Maka inti dari hadits, umrah salah seorang kita dari miqat  di bulan Ramadhan seperti kedudukan haji.”

Wallahu Ta’ala A’lam.

Sumber : http://ibadahhaji.wordpress.com

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UMRAH RAMADHAN MENYERUPAI HAJI

WASHINGTON — The former deputy director of the C.I.A. asserts in a forthcoming book that Republicans, in their eagerness to politicize the killing of the American ambassador to Libya, repeatedly distorted the agency’s analysis of events. But he also argues that the C.I.A. should get out of the business of providing “talking points” for administration officials in national security events that quickly become partisan, as happened after the Benghazi attack in 2012.

The official, Michael J. Morell, dismisses the allegation that the United States military and C.I.A. officers “were ordered to stand down and not come to the rescue of their comrades,” and he says there is “no evidence” to support the charge that “there was a conspiracy between C.I.A. and the White House to spin the Benghazi story in a way that would protect the political interests of the president and Secretary Clinton,” referring to the secretary of state at the time, Hillary Rodham Clinton.

But he also concludes that the White House itself embellished some of the talking points provided by the Central Intelligence Agency and had blocked him from sending an internal study of agency conclusions to Congress.

Photo
 
Michael J. Morell Credit Mark Wilson/Getty Images

“I finally did so without asking,” just before leaving government, he writes, and after the White House released internal emails to a committee investigating the State Department’s handling of the issue.

A lengthy congressional investigation remains underway, one that many Republicans hope to use against Mrs. Clinton in the 2016 election cycle.

In parts of the book, “The Great War of Our Time” (Twelve), Mr. Morell praises his C.I.A. colleagues for many successes in stopping terrorist attacks, but he is surprisingly critical of other C.I.A. failings — and those of the National Security Agency.

Soon after Mr. Morell retired in 2013 after 33 years in the agency, President Obama appointed him to a commission reviewing the actions of the National Security Agency after the disclosures of Edward J. Snowden, a former intelligence contractor who released classified documents about the government’s eavesdropping abilities. Mr. Morell writes that he was surprised by what he found.

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“You would have thought that of all the government entities on the planet, the one least vulnerable to such grand theft would have been the N.S.A.,” he writes. “But it turned out that the N.S.A. had left itself vulnerable.”

He concludes that most Wall Street firms had better cybersecurity than the N.S.A. had when Mr. Snowden swept information from its systems in 2013. While he said he found himself “chagrined by how well the N.S.A. was doing” compared with the C.I.A. in stepping up its collection of data on intelligence targets, he also sensed that the N.S.A., which specializes in electronic spying, was operating without considering the implications of its methods.

“The N.S.A. had largely been collecting information because it could, not necessarily in all cases because it should,” he says.

The book is to be released next week.

Mr. Morell was a career analyst who rose through the ranks of the agency, and he ended up in the No. 2 post. He served as President George W. Bush’s personal intelligence briefer in the first months of his presidency — in those days, he could often be spotted at the Starbucks in Waco, Tex., catching up on his reading — and was with him in the schoolhouse in Florida on the morning of Sept. 11, 2001, when the Bush presidency changed in an instant.

Mr. Morell twice took over as acting C.I.A. director, first when Leon E. Panetta was appointed secretary of defense and then when retired Gen. David H. Petraeus resigned over an extramarital affair with his biographer, a relationship that included his handing her classified notes of his time as America’s best-known military commander.

Mr. Morell says he first learned of the affair from Mr. Petraeus only the night before he resigned, and just as the Benghazi events were turning into a political firestorm. While praising Mr. Petraeus, who had told his deputy “I am very lucky” to run the C.I.A., Mr. Morell writes that “the organization did not feel the same way about him.” The former general “created the impression through the tone of his voice and his body language that he did not want people to disagree with him (which was not true in my own interaction with him),” he says.

But it is his account of the Benghazi attacks — and how the C.I.A. was drawn into the debate over whether the Obama White House deliberately distorted its account of the death of Ambassador J. Christopher Stevens — that is bound to attract attention, at least partly because of its relevance to the coming presidential election. The initial assessments that the C.I.A. gave to the White House said demonstrations had preceded the attack. By the time analysts reversed their opinion, Susan E. Rice, now the national security adviser, had made a series of statements on Sunday talk shows describing the initial assessment. The controversy and other comments Ms. Rice made derailed Mr. Obama’s plan to appoint her as secretary of state.

The experience prompted Mr. Morell to write that the C.I.A. should stay out of the business of preparing talking points — especially on issues that are being seized upon for “political purposes.” He is critical of the State Department for not beefing up security in Libya for its diplomats, as the C.I.A., he said, did for its employees.

But he concludes that the assault in which the ambassador was killed took place “with little or no advance planning” and “was not well organized.” He says the attackers “did not appear to be looking for Americans to harm. They appeared intent on looting and conducting some vandalism,” setting fires that killed Mr. Stevens and a security official, Sean Smith.

Mr. Morell paints a picture of an agency that was struggling, largely unsuccessfully, to understand dynamics in the Middle East and North Africa when the Arab Spring broke out in late 2011 in Tunisia. The agency’s analysts failed to see the forces of revolution coming — and then failed again, he writes, when they told Mr. Obama that the uprisings would undercut Al Qaeda by showing there was a democratic pathway to change.

“There is no good explanation for our not being able to see the pressures growing to dangerous levels across the region,” he writes. The agency had again relied too heavily “on a handful of strong leaders in the countries of concern to help us understand what was going on in the Arab street,” he says, and those leaders themselves were clueless.

Moreover, an agency that has always overvalued secretly gathered intelligence and undervalued “open source” material “was not doing enough to mine the wealth of information available through social media,” he writes. “We thought and told policy makers that this outburst of popular revolt would damage Al Qaeda by undermining the group’s narrative,” he writes.

Instead, weak governments in Egypt, and the absence of governance from Libya to Yemen, were “a boon to Islamic extremists across both the Middle East and North Africa.”

Mr. Morell is gentle about most of the politicians he dealt with — he expresses admiration for both Mr. Bush and Mr. Obama, though he accuses former Vice President Dick Cheney of deliberately implying a connection between Al Qaeda and Iraq that the C.I.A. had concluded probably did not exist. But when it comes to the events leading up to the Bush administration’s decision to go to war in Iraq, he is critical of his own agency.

Mr. Morell concludes that the Bush White House did not have to twist intelligence on Saddam Hussein’s alleged effort to rekindle the country’s work on weapons of mass destruction.

“The view that hard-liners in the Bush administration forced the intelligence community into its position on W.M.D. is just flat wrong,” he writes. “No one pushed. The analysts were already there and they had been there for years, long before Bush came to office.”

Ex-C.I.A. Official Rebuts Republican Claims on Benghazi Attack in ‘The Great War of Our Time’

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