Setiap jamaah yang berangkat umroh atau haji khusus Call/Wa. 08111-34-1212 pasti menginginkan perjalanan ibadah haji plus atau umrohnya bisa terlaksana dengan lancar, nyaman dan aman sehingga menjadi mabrur. Demi mewujudkan kami sangat memahami keinginan para jamaah sehingga merancang program haji onh plus dan umroh dengan tepat. Jika anda ingin melaksanakan Umrah dan Haji dengan tidak dihantui rasa was-was dan serta ketidakpastian, maka Alhijaz Indowisata Travel adalah solusi sebagai biro perjalanan anda yang terbaik dan terpercaya.?agenda umroh 12 hari

LISt Harga Bahan Bangunan 2013

PASIR

Pasir Putih bangka / m3 : Rp. 265.000

Pasir Putih Bangka / pick up : Rp. 600.000

Pasir Putih Bangka / truk : Rp. 1.550.000

Pasir Mundu (per m3) : Rp. 250.000

Pasir Cileungsi / m3 : Rp. 200.000

BATU

Split / pick up : Rp. 265.000

Batako Semen Besar / buah : Rp. 2.500

Batu Bata Merah ( biasa )/ buah : Rp. 500

Batu Bata Merah ( oven ) / buah : Rp. 650

Batu Kali Belah / m3 : Rp. 185.000

Batu Knecker / m3 : Rp. 200.000

BATU ALAM

Batu Candi ( 30 x 30 ) / m2 : Rp. 150.000

Batu Andesit ( 30 x 30 ) / m2 : Rp. 180.000

Batu Pancawarna / 25 kg : Rp. 75.000

Batu Bali / 10 kg : Rp. 70.000

SEMEN

Semen Holcim ( 40 kg ) : Rp. 65.000

Semen Holcim ( 50 kg ) : Rp. 75.000

Semen Tiga Roda ( 50 kg ) : Rp. 70.000

Semen Padang ( 50 kg ) : Rp. 65.000

MU – 100 Plester Premium ( 40 kg ) : Rp. 65.000

MU – 200 Acian Plester & Beton ( 5 kg ) : Rp. 25.000

MU – 301 Pasangan Bata + Plester ( 10 kg ) : Rp. 25.000

MU – 450 Perekat Keramik Lantai ( 5 kg ) : Rp. 35.000

MU – Finish Coat Repair ( 25 kg ) : Rp. 335.000

Selain info bahan bangunan 2013, silahkat lihat homepage kami untuk tips dan informasi renovasi rumah

HEBEL

Blok Reguler Tebal 10 mm (per m3) : Rp 610.000

Blok Jumbo (per m3) : Rp 580.000

Anak Tangga (per m3) : Rp 2.300.000

Panel (per m3) : Rp 320.000

BESI BETON

Diameter 6mm/batang  : Rp 23.500

Diameter 8mm / batang : Rp 35.000 (TYS ), Rp. 38.000 ( HJ ), Rp. 25.500 ( SP )

Diameter 10mm/batang :  Rp. 53.000 ( TYS ), Rp. 52.000 ( HJ ), Rp. 48.000 ( SP )

Diameter 12mm /batang :  Rp. 80.000 ( HJ ), Rp. 77.000 ( TYS )

Diameter 16mm (12m) :  Rp 145.000

Besi Hollow ( 20 x 40 ) : Rp. 18.000

Besi Hollow ( 40 x 40 ) : Rp. 24.000

Seng Gelombang ( 182 x 91 x 0.2 ) : Rp. 36.000

Plat Alumunium ( 2 x 1 x 0.2 tebal ) : Rp. 35.000

Plat alumunium / meter : Rp. 20.000

PAKU KAYU

Paku kayu uk. 2 cm / kg : Rp. 18.000

Paku Kayu uk. 2.5 cm / kg : Rp. 17.000

Paku Kayu uk. 3 cm / kg : Rp. 16.000

Paku Kayu uk. 4 cm / kg : Rp. 15.000

Paku Kayu uk. 5 cm / kg : Rp. 14.000

Paku Kayu uk. 7 cm / kg : Rp. 14.000

Paku Kayu uk. 10 cm / kg : Rp. 14.000

TRIPLEK

Tebal 3mm  : Rp 40.000

Tebal 4mm  : Rp 50.000

Tebal 6mm : Rp 65.000

Tebal 9mm : Rp 100.000

Tebal 12mm : Rp 135.000

Tebal 15mm : Rp 175.000

Tebal 18mm : Rp 195.000

GRC BOARD : Rp. 50.000

PAKU BETON PUTIH

Ukuran 2.5 cm / kg : Rp. 34.000

Ukuran 3 cm / kg : Rp. 34.000

Ukuran 4 cm / kg : Rp. 34.000

Ukuran 5 cm / kg : Rp. 34.000

Ukuran 6 cm / kg : Rp. 32.000

Ukuran 7 cm / kg : Rp. 32.000

Ukuran 10 cm / kg : Rp. 32.000

Ukuran 12.5 cm / kg : Rp. 32.000

PAKU BETON HITAM

Ukuran 3 cm / kg : Rp. 17.500

Ukuran 5 cm / kg : Rp. 16.000

Ukuran 7 cm / kg : Rp. 14.000

Selain info bahan bangunan 2013, silahkat lihat homepage kami untuk tips dan informasi renovasi rumah

KACA

A. Kaca Bening

Tebal 3 mm  : Rp 80.000

Tebal 5 mm  : Rp 87.500

Tebal 8 mm  : Rp 140.000

Tebal 10 mm : Rp 200.000

B. Kaca Rayben

Tebal 3 mm : Rp 65.000

Tebal 5 mm  : Rp 62.500

Tebal 6 mm  : Rp 125.000

Tebal 8 mm : Rp 220.000

C. Kaca Tempered

Kaca Clear tempered 5 mm ( m2 ) : Rp. 200.000

Kaca Clear tempered 6 mm ( m2 ) : Rp. 250.500

Kaca Clear tempered 8 mm ( m2 ) : Rp. 375.000

Kaca Clear tempered 10 mm ( m2 ) : Rp. 400.000

Kaca Clear tempered 12 mm ( m2 ) : Rp. 450.000

Kaca Clear tempered 15 mm ( m2 ) : Rp. 1.950.000

Kaca Clear tempered 19 mm ( m2 ) : rp. 2.450.000

PAPAN FIBER SEMEN / TRIPLEK

A. GRC

GRC / Versaboard 4.0 mm ( 1.20 x 2.40 ) /lembar : Rp. 53.500

GRC / Versaboard 6.0 mm ( 1.20 x 2.40 )/lembar : Rp. 93.500

GRC / Versaboard 9.0 mm ( 1.20 x 2.40 ) /lembar : rp. 129.000

B. TRIPLEK

Tebal 3 mm / lembar : Rp. 42.000

Tebal 4 mm / lembar : Rp. 53.000

Tebal 6 mm / lembar : Rp. 95.000

Tebal 9 mm / lembar : Rp. 110.000

Tebal 12 mm / lembar : Rp. 150.000

Tebal 15 mm / lembar : Rp. 190.000

Tebal 18 mm / lembar : Rp. 235.000

C. GYPSUM

Jayaboard 9 mm ( 1.20 x 2.40 ) / lembar : Rp. 57.000

Elephant 9 mm ( 1.20 x 2.40 ) / lembar : Rp. 56.000

Knauf 9 mm ( 1.20 x 2.40 ) / lembar : Rp. 53.500

Star 9 mm ( 1.20 x 2.40 ) / lembar : Rp. 53.000

Aplus 9 mm ( 1.20 x 2.40 ) / lembar : Rp. 52.500

KAYU

A. Reng

Meranti (2×3) per batang  : Rp 15.000

Meranti (3×4) per batang  : Rp 17.500

Borneo (2×3) per batang : Rp 20.500

Borneo (3×4) per batang : Rp 22.000

Kamper (2×3) per batang : Rp 17.000

Kamper (3×4) per batang : Rp 20.500

B. Kaso

Meranti (4×6) per batang Rp 32.500

Meranti (5×7) per batang Rp 39.000

Borneo (4×6) per batang Rp 28.000

Borneo (5×7) per batang Rp 43.000

Kamper (4×6) per batang Rp 50.000

Kamper (5×7) per batang Rp 70.000

C. Galar

Meranti (5×10) per batang Rp 60.000

Borneo (5×10) per batang Rp 60.000

Kamper (5×10) per batang Rp 95.000

D. Balok

Meranti (6×12) per batang Rp 80.000

Meranti (8×12) per batang Rp 125.000

Borneo (6×12) per batang Rp 80.000

Borneo (8×12) per batang Rp 100.000

Kamper (6×12) per batang Rp 185.000

Kamper (8×12) per batang Rp 210.000

Selain info bahan bangunan 2013, silahkat lihat homepage kami untuk tips dan informasi renovasi rumah

CAT TEMBOK

A. Interior

Dulux Pearl Glo (2,5 lt ) Rp. 180.000

Dulux Pentalite Standard Colour ( 2,5 lt ) Rp. 137.000

Dulux Weather Shield Exterior/Brilliant white ( 2,5 lt ) Rp. 215.000

Dulux (2,5 lt) Rp 117.500

Dulux (20 lt) Rp 850.000

Mowilex ( 1 lt ) Rp. 60.000

Mowilex (2,5 lt) Rp 130.000

Mowilex (20 lt) Rp. 915.000

Catylac (5 kg) Rp 93.500

Catylac (25 kg) Rp 355.000

Avitex ( 5 kg ) Rp. 73.500

Vinilex (5 kg) Rp 75.000

Vinilex (25 kg) Rp 445.000

Metrolite ( 1 kg ) Rp. 24.000

Metrolite (3 lt) Rp 78.000

Metrolite ( 16 ltr / pail) Rp 380.000

Matex ( 4kg) Rp 60.000

Matex (25 kg) Rp 295.000

Profitex (5 kg) Rp 26.500

Profitex (25 kg) Rp 120.000

B. Eksterior

Dulux (2,5 lt) Rp 187.500

Dulux (20 lt) Rp 1.285.000

Mowilex (2,5 lt) Rp 160.000

Mowilex (20 lt) Rp 1.250.000

CAT KAYU

Dulux 1 kg Rp 35.000

Mowilex 1 kg Rp 60.000

Catylac 1 kg Rp 35.000

Glotex 1 kg Rp 35.000

Emco 1 kg Rp 35.000

Globe Supergloss Rp 43.000

Selain info bahan bangunan 2013, silahkat lihat homepage kami untuk tips dan informasi renovasi rumah

GENTENG KERAMIK

Kanmuri Milenio (Double Interlocking)

- Warna Natural Rp 5.700

- Warna Standard Rp 6.500

- Warna Spesial Rp 8.500

- Warna Exclusive Rp 11.500

Kanmuri Espancia

- Warna Natural Rp 5.500

- Warna Standard Rp 8.700

- Warna Spesial Rp 9.700

- Warna Exclusive Rp 10.500

M Class (Double Interlocking)

- Warna Natural Rp 5.500

- Warna Standard Rp 6.000

- Warna Spesial Rp 8.000

- Warna Premium Rp 11.000

- Genteng Knok Natural Rp 15.000

GENTENG BETON

- Morando Rp. 3.750,-/pc (20pcs/m2)

- Berglazur Rp 3.500,-

- Natural Rp 2.000

- Moner Rp 5.350,- (9pcs/m2)

IDEAL

- Berglazur Rp 2.650/pc

- Natural Rp 1.750/pc

GENTENG METAL

Sun Roof Venus

Ukuran 38,5 x 80 cm S/S Rp 23.000

Ukuran 38,5 x 80 cm D/S Rp 27.500

Sun Roof Pluto

Ukuran 38,5 x 80 cm S/S Rp 17.500

Ukuran 38,5 x 80 cm D/S Rp 20.000

ASBES

Jabesmen

150×105 (per lembar gelombang kecil) Rp 40.000

180×105 (per lembar gelombang kecil) Rp 45.000

210×105 (per lembar gelombang kecil) Rp 50.000

240×105 (per lembar gelombang kecil) Rp 55.500

270×105 (per lembar gelombang kecil) Rp 65.000

300×105 (per lembar gelombang kecil) Rp 75.000

SENG GELOMBANG

Seng Plat

Tebal 0.20 Rp 27.500

Tebal 0.25 Rp 37.500

Tebal 0.30 Rp 42.500

Seng Gelombang

Tebal 0.20 Rp 49.000

Tebal 0.30 Rp 59.000

Selain info bahan bangunan 2013, silahkat lihat homepage kami untuk tips dan informasi renovasi rumah

PIPA PVC

- Wavin 0,5 inci Rp 17.500

0,75 inci Rp 22.000

1 inci Rp 30.000

2 inci Rp 65.000

3 inci Rp 120.000

4 inci Rp 200.000

- Rucika 0,5 inci Rp 25.000

1 inci Rp 45.000

2 inci Rp 52.500

4 inci Rp 168.000

8 inci Rp 635.000

- Lucky

0,5 inci Rp 8.500

0,75 inci Rp 13.000

1 inci Rp 15.000

2 inci Rp 33.000

3 inci Rp 64.000

4 inci Rp 103.000

- Unggul

0,5 inci Rp 8.500

0,75 inci Rp 11.000

1 inci Rp 15.000

2 inci Rp 27.000

3 inci Rp 40.000

4 inci Rp 55.000

- Maspion

0,5 inci Rp 13.500

0,75 inci Rp 16.500

1 inci Rp 21.500

2 inci Rp 51.500

3 inci Rp 100.000

4 inci Rp 150.000

Selain info bahan bangunan 2013, silahkat lihat homepage kami untuk tips dan informasi renovasi rumah

KERAMIK LANTAI ARWANA

20×20

Tua Rp 35.000

Muda Rp 34.000

30×30

Putih Rp 30.000

Marble Rp 32.000

Fancy Rp 37.500

40×40

Putih Rp 30.000

Marble Rp 33.000

LANTAI KAYU

Kronotec (per meter) Rp 225.000

HDM Glossy (per boks) Rp 550.000

KERAMIK DINDING

20×20

Roman

(putih) Rp 50.000

(motif) Rp 55.000

Masterina

(putih) Rp 40.000

(motif) Rp 50.000

KIA

(putih) Rp 37.500

(motif) Rp 42.500

20×25

Mulia

(warna muda) Rp 45.000

(warna tua) Rp 50.000

IKAD

(warna muda) Rp 42.500

(warna tua) Rp 52.500

Roman

25×33 Roman Rp 50.000

33×50 Roman Rp 80.000

30×30 Hercules (putih) Rp 42.500

Acura (putih) Rp 35.000

KIG (warna) Rp 40.000

KIA (warna) Rp 40.000

60 x 60 Platinum Rp 125.000

30 x 60 Platinum Rp 75.000

58 x 58 Platinum Rp 110.000

Selain info bahan bangunan 2013, silahkat lihat homepage kami untuk tips dan informasi renovasi rumah

SANITARI

KLOSET DUDUK

Sanremo Classis CCST Rp 1.325.000

Lexington Rp 3.500.000

Granada 3000 CCST Rp 1.275.000

Granada II Space CCST Rp 1.500.000

Projecta Rp 1.000.000

KLOSET JONGKOK

Rapi EX Squat Rp 250.000

WASTAFEL/LAVATORY

San Remo 55 Lava & Pedestal Rp 650.000

Studio 3000 Lava & Pedestal Rp 475.000

Studio 50 Lavatory Rp 250.000

Studio 45 Lavatory Rp 200.000

GRANIT

Impero 40×40 Rp 125.000

Granito 40×40 Rp 210.000

Inesa 40×40 Rp 175.000

Niro 40×40 Rp 160.000

Essenza 40×40 Rp 175.000

KUNCI

Firo Rp 275.000

Napoli Rp 30.000

Romaco Rp 65.000

Ferza Rp 33.500

Top Rp 30.000

Paloma Rp 420.000

Yale Rp 125.000

Beluci Rp 130.000

Note : Kami tidak menjual bahan bangunan diatas, Daftar Harga Bangunan yang kami masukkan dalam blog ini  sifatnya sebagai Info dan acuan untuk membantu membuat anggaran atau estimasi dalam membangun dan merenovasi rumah. Koreksi mengenai perubahan /perbedaan harga dari teman-teman akan sangat kami hargai.......

ate in February, Dr. Ben Carson, the celebrated pediatric neurosurgeon turned political insurrectionist, was trying to check off another box on his presidential-campaign to-do list: hiring a press secretary. The lead prospect, a public-relations specialist named Deana Bass, had come to meet him at the dimly lit Capitol Hill office of Carson’s confidant and business manager, Armstrong Williams. Carson sat back and scrutinized her from behind a small granite table, as life-size cardboard cutouts of more conventional politicians — President Obama, with a tight smile, and Senator John McCain, glowering — loomed behind each of his shoulders. (The mock $3 bill someone had left on a table in Williams’s waiting room undercut any notion that this was a bipartisan zone; it featured Obama wearing a turban.)

Bass seemed momentarily speechless, and not just because no one had warned her that a New York Times reporter would be sitting in on her job interview. Though she knew Williams — a jack-of-all-trades entrepreneur who owns several television stations and a public-affairs business and who hosts a daily talk-radio show — through Washington’s small circle of black conservatives, the two hadn’t spoken in years until he called her two days earlier. He had been struggling to come up with the perfect national spokesperson, he told her. Then, at the gym, her name popped into his head; Williams was fairly certain she was the one. Sitting across from a likely candidate for president, Bass was adjusting to the idea that her life might be about to take a sudden chaotic turn.

“It’s like getting the most random call on a Monday that you simply do not see coming,” she said. “Oftentimes, that is how the Lord works.”

Carson concurred: “It’s always how he works in my life.” Carson is soft-spoken and often talks with his eyes half closed, frequently punctuating his sentences with a small laugh, even if the humor of his statement is not readily apparent. Bass told Carson that she had been a Republican staff member on Capitol Hill then worked for the Republican National Committee. In 2007 she started a Christian public-relations firm with her sister. She enjoyed working on the Hill, she said, but the pay wasn’t as high as the hours were long. “We figured that we worked like slaves for other people, and we wanted to work for ourselves.”

Carson stopped her. “You know you can’t mention that word, right?” Carson waited a beat, then laughed, and Williams and Bass joined in. He was getting to the point; he needed a professional who could help him check his penchant for creating uncontrolled controversy just by talking.

The Ben Carson movement began in 2013, when Carson, a neurosurgeon, whose operating-room prowess and up-from-poverty back story had made him the subject of a television movie and a regular on the inspirational-speaking circuit, was invited to address the annual National Prayer Breakfast in Washington. With Barack Obama sitting just two seats away, Carson warned that “moral decay” and “fiscal irresponsibility” could destroy America just as it did ancient Rome. He proposed a substitute for Obamacare — Health Savings Accounts, which, he said, would end any talk of “death panels” — and a flat-tax based on the concept of tithing. His address, combined with the president’s stony reaction, was a smash with Republican activists. Speaking and interview requests flooded in. Carson, then 61, announced his planned retirement a few weeks later, freeing his calendar to accept just about all of them. In the months that followed, his rhetoric became increasingly strident. The claim that drew the most attention, perhaps, was that Obamacare was “the worst thing that has happened in this nation since slavery.”

Bass’s own use of the word prompted Carson to ask her what she thought about that incident. She considered for a moment.

“If you want to reach people and have them even understand what you’re saying, there is a way to do it, without that hyperbole, that might be. . . . ” She paused. “I just think it’s important not to shut people off before they —”

Carson jumped in. “That doesn’t allow them to hear what you’re saying?”

Bass nodded.

Likening Obamacare to slavery — and slavery was incomparably worse, Carson said — had its political advantages for a candidacy like his. It was the kind of statement that stoked the angriest of the Republican voters: conservative stalwarts who can’t hear enough bad things about Obama. This, in turn, led to more talk-radio and Fox News appearances, more book sales, more donations to the super PAC started in his name, more support in the polls. (The day before the meeting, one poll of Republican voters showed Carson statistically tied for first place with Jeb Bush and Scott Walker.)

Rhetorical excess was good for business, but Carson now wants to be seen as more than a novelty candidate. He has come to learn that such extreme analogies, while true to his views, aren’t especially presidential. They alienate more moderate voters and, perhaps even more damaging, reinforce the impression that he is not “serious” — that he is another Herman Cain, the black former Godfather’s Pizza chief executive who rose to the top of the early presidential polls in 2011 but then bowed out before the Iowa caucuses, largely because of leaked allegations of sexual misconduct, which he denied but from which he never recovered. Cain lingers as a cautionary tale for the party as much as for a right-leaning candidate like Carson. The fact that Cain, with his folksy sayings (“shucky ducky”) and misnomers (“Ubeki-beki-beki-beki-stan-stan”), reached the top of the national polls — much less that he was eventually followed there by the likes of Michele Bachmann, Newt Gingrich and Rick Santorum, who all topped one or another poll in the 2012 primary season — wound up being a considerable embarrassment for the eventual nominee, Mitt Romney, and for the longtime party regulars who were trying to fast-track his way to the nomination.

Carson liked Bass and, without directly saying so, made it clear the job was hers for the taking. Carson’s campaign chairman, Terry Giles — a white lawyer whose clients have included the comedian Richard Pryor and the stepson of the model Anna Nicole Smith and who helped reconcile the business interests of the descendants of the Rev. Martin Luther King Jr. — had assembled a mostly white campaign team, including many from the 2012 Gingrich effort, and Carson wanted a person of color to speak for him. Bass said she would have to mull it over, pray about it. Carson nodded approvingly. “Pray about it,” he said. “See what you think.”

Williams knew the party was intent on protecting the eventual 2016 nominee from the same embarrassment Romney suffered. Already, suspiciously tough articles about Carson were showing up in conservative magazines and on right-wing websites. “They’re protecting these establishment candidates,” Williams said. “This is coming from within the house. This is family.” At the very least, he wanted to make sure that Carson didn’t do their work for them. (Carson would commit another unforced error a week later, when he told CNN that homosexuality was clearly a choice, because a lot of people go in prison straight and “when they come out, they’re gay”; he later apologized.)

“We need somebody to protect him, sometimes, from himself,” he told Bass — laughing, but only half kidding.

A candidacy like Carson’s presents a new kind of problem to the establishment wing of the G.O.P., which, at least since 1980, has selected its presidential nominees with a routine efficiency that Democrats could only envy. The establishment candidate has usually been a current or former governor or senator, blandly Protestant, hailing from the moderate, big-business wing of the party (or at least friendly with it) and almost always a second-, third- or fourth-time national contender — someone who had waited “his turn.” These candidates would tack predictably to the right during the primaries to satisfy the evangelicals, deficit hawks, libertarian leaners and other inconvenient but vital constituents who made up the “base” of the party. In return, the base would, after a brief flirtation with some fantasy candidate like Steve Forbes or Pat Buchanan, “hold their noses” and deliver their votes come November. This bargain was always tenuous, of course, and when some of the furthest-right activists turned against George W. Bush, citing (among other apostasies) his expansion of Medicare’s prescription drug benefit, it began to fall apart. After Barack Obama defeated McCain in 2008, the party’s once dependable base started to reconsider the wisdom of holding their noses at all.

Photo

 

This insurgent attitude was helped along by changes in the nomination rules. In 2010, the Republican National Committee, hoping to capture the excitement of the coast-to-coast Democratic primary competition between Obama and Hillary Clinton, introduced new voting rules that required many of the early voting states to award some delegates to losing candidates, based on their shares of the vote. The proportional voting rules would encourage struggling candidates to stay in the primaries even after successive losses, as Clinton did, because they might be able to pull together enough delegates to take the nomination in a convention-floor fight or at least use them to bargain for a prime speaking slot or cabinet post.

This shift in incentives did not go unnoticed by potential 2012 candidates, nor did changes in election law that allowed billionaire donors to form super PACs in support of pet candidacies. At the same time, increasingly widespread broadband Internet access allowed candidates to reach supporters directly with video and email appeals and supporters to send money with the tap of a smartphone, making it easier than ever for individual candidates to ignore the wishes of the party.

Into this newly chaotic Republican landscape strode Mitt Romney. There could be no doubt that it was his turn, and yet his journey to the nomination was interrupted by one against-the-odds challenger after another — Cain, Michele Bachmann, Newt Gingrich, Rick Santorum, Ron Paul; always Ron Paul. It was easy to dismiss the 2012 primaries as a meaningless circus, but the onslaught did much more than tarnish the overall Republican brand. It also forced Romney to spend money he could have used against Obama and defend his right flank with embarrassing pandering that shadowed him through the general election. It was while trying to block a surge from Gingrich, for instance, that Romney told a debate audience that he was for the “self-deportation” of undocumented immigrants.

At the 2012 convention in Tampa, a group of longtime party hands, including Romney’s lawyer, Ben Ginsberg, gathered to discuss how to prevent a repeat of what had become known inside and outside the party as the “clown show.” Their aim was not just to protect the party but also to protect a potential President Romney from a primary challenge in 2016. They forced through new rules that would give future presumptive nominees more control over delegates in the event of a convention fight. They did away with the mandatory proportional delegate awards that encouraged long-shot candidacies. And, in a noticeably targeted effort, they raised the threshold that candidates needed to meet to enter their names into nomination, just as Ron Paul’s supporters were working to reach it. When John A. Boehner gaveled the rules in on a voice vote — a vote that many listeners heard as a tie, if not an outright loss — the hall erupted and a line of Ron Paul supporters walked off the floor in protest, along with many Tea Party members.

At a party meeting last winter, Reince Priebus, who as party chairman is charged with maintaining the support of all his constituencies, did restore some proportional primary and caucus voting, but only in states that held voting within a shortened two-week window. And he also condensed the nominating schedule to four and a half months from six months, and, for the first time required candidates to participate in a shortened debate schedule, determined by the party, not by the whims of the networks. (The panel that recommended those changes included names closely identified with the establishment — the former Bush White House spokesman Ari Fleischer, the Mississippi committeeman Haley Barbour and, notably, Jeb Bush’s closest adviser, Sally Bradshaw.)

Grass-roots activists have complained that the condensed schedule robs nonestablishment candidates — “movement candidates” like Carson — of the extra time they need to build momentum, money and organizations. But Priebus, who says the nomination could be close to settled by April, said it helped all the party’s constituencies when the nominee was decided quickly. “We don’t need a six-month slice-and-dice festival,” Priebus said when we spoke in mid-March. “While I can’t always control everyone’s mouth, I can control how long we can kill each other.”

All the rules changes were built to sidestep the problems of 2012. But the 2016 field is shaping up to be vastly different and far larger. A new Republican hints that he or she is considering a run seemingly every week. There are moderates like Gov. John Kasich of Ohio and former Gov. George Pataki of New York; no-compromise conservatives like Senator Ted Cruz of Texas and former Senator Rick Santorum of Pennsylvania; business-wingers like the former Hewlett-Packard chief executive Carly Fiorina; one-of-a-kinds like Donald Trump — some 20 in all, a dozen or so who seem fairly serious about it. That opens the possibility of multiple candidates vying for all the major Republican constituencies, some of them possibly goaded along by super-PAC-funding billionaires, all of them trading wins and collecting delegates well into spring.

Giles says his candidate can capitalize on all that chaos. Rivals may laugh, but Giles argues that if Carson can make a respectable showing in Iowa, then win in South Carolina — or at least come in second should a home-state senator, Lindsey Graham, run — and come in second behind Bush or Senator Marco Rubio in their home state of Florida, he could be positioned to make a real run. But that would depend on avoiding pitfalls like Carson’s ill-considered comments on homosexuality. Rather than capitalizing on the chaos, Carson may only contribute to it.

Ben Carson is, in many ways, the ideal Republican presidential candidate. With a not-too-selective reading of his life story, conservative voters can — and do — see in him an inspiring, up-from-nowhere African-American who shares their beliefs, a right-wing answer to Barack Obama. Before he was born, his parents moved to Detroit from rural Tennessee as part of the second great migration. His father, Robert Solomon Carson, worked at a Cadillac factory. His mother, Sonya — who herself had grown up as one of 24 children and left school at third grade — cleaned houses. When Carson was 8, Sonya discovered that Robert was keeping a second family. She moved, with her two sons, into a rundown group house. It was in a part of town that Carson described to me as crawling with “big rats and roaches and all kinds of horrible things.” Sonya worked several jobs at a time and made up the shortfall with food stamps. (Carson has called for paring back the social safety net but not doing away with it.)

Carson recounts this story in his best-selling 1990 memoir, “Gifted Hands,” which also became the basis for a 2009 movie on TNT, starring Cuba Gooding Jr. as Carson. Raised as a Seventh Day Adventist, Carson realized that he wanted to become a physician during a church sermon about a missionary doctor who, while serving overseas, was almost attacked by thieves but found safety by putting his faith in God. When Carson, then 8, told his mother his new dream, “She said, ‘Absolutely, you could do it, you could do anything,’ ” he told me. Forced by his mother to read two extra books a week, he made it to Yale, then to medical school at the University of Michigan, where he decided to specialize in neurosurgery. He was selected for residency at Johns Hopkins Children’s Center, where he was named director of pediatric neurosurgery at 33, becoming the youngest person, and the first black person, to hold the title. He drew national attention by conducting a succession of operations that had never been performed successfully, most famously planning and managing the first separation of conjoined twins connected through major blood vessels in the brain.

Carson, a two-time Jimmy Carter voter, traces his conservative political awakening to a patient he met during the Reagan years. During a routine obstetrics rotation, he found himself treating an unwed pregnant teenager who had run away from her well-to-do parents. When Carson asked her how she was getting by, she informed him she was on public assistance; this led him to ponder the fact that the government was paying for the result of what he did not view as a “wise decision.” The incident, he says, fed his growing sense that the welfare system too often saps motivation and rewards irresponsible behavior. (When we spoke, he suggested that the government should cut off assistance to would-be unwed mothers, but only after warning them that it would do so within a certain amount of time, say five years. “I bet you’d see a dramatic decrease in unwed motherhood.”)

Carson’s friends at Hopkins say they do not remember him being particularly outspoken about his conservatism. He devoted most of his public engagement to urging poor kids in bad neighborhoods to use “these fancy brains God gave us,” through weekly school visits, student hospital tours and, ultimately, a multimillion-dollar scholarship program. “His issues were always medical care for the poor, education for the poor, equal opportunity — helping the less fortunate and really inspiring them as an example,” a mentor who named him to the chief pediatrics-neurosurgery post at Hopkins, Dr. Donlin Long, told me.

Even when Carson got the chance, in 1997, to speak in front of President Bill Clinton, at the national prayer breakfast, he mostly discussed the lack of role models for black children who were not sports stars or rappers. (There was possibly an oblique reference to Clinton’s sex scandals, when he told the audience that, if they are always honest, they won’t have to worry later about “skeletons in the closet.”)

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In 2011, Carson’s politics took a strident turn, mirroring that of many in his party during the Obama years. “America the Beautiful,” his sixth book, which he wrote with Candy Carson, his wife of 39 years, included a get-tough-on-illegal-immigration message and offered anti-establishment praise for the Tea Party. It suggested that blacks who voted for Obama only because he was black were themselves practicing a form of racism. (Earlier this year he admitted to Buzzfeed that portions of the book were lifted directly from several sources without proper attribution.) His prayer-breakfast performance in 2013, and the extremity of his remarks in the months afterward (Obamacare is the worst thing since slavery; the United States is “very much like Nazi Germany”; allowing same-sex marriage could lead to allowing bestiality), left some of his old friends bewildered. Students at Johns Hopkins University School of Medicine protested his planned convocation address there in 2013, and he eventually backed out. When I asked Carson about the view at Hopkins that he had changed, he said his themes are still the same: “hard work, self-reliance, helping other people.” If he had become more overtly political, he said, it was only because the Obama years had led him to believe that “we’re really moving in a direction that is very, very destructive.”

None of this went unnoticed by campaign professionals. In August 2013, John Philip Sousa IV and Vernon Robinson, each of whom professes to be a virtual stranger to Carson, and who had previously been active in the anti-illegal-immigration movement, started the National Draft Ben Carson for President Committee. Sousa was just coming off a campaign to defend the sheriff of Maricopa County, Arizona, Joe Arpaio, from a recall effort, and he told me that he found Carson’s lack of political experience refreshing. “We have 500 guys and gals with probably a collective 5,000 years experience, and look at the mess we’re in,” he said.

Many others in the party feel the same way. Carson’s PAC finished 2014 with more than $13 million in donations, more than Ready for Hillary. Much of its money has gone toward further fund-raising, but Sousa — the great-grandson of the famous composer — points out that their effort has already built far more than just a war chest, organizing leaders in all 99 of Iowa’s counties. Regardless, Carson credits the fund-raising success of Sousa and Robinson with persuading him to enter the race.

Very early the morning after the job interview, Carson was in a black S.U.V., heading from Washington to the Gaylord National Resort and Convention Center in Oxon Hill, Md., where he was to give the opening candidate speech of the Conservative Political Action Conference. The event, which functions as an early tryout for Republican presidential contenders, tends to skew rightward in its audience, drawing many of the same sorts of people who shouted at Boehner in Tampa. As such, it tends to favor anti-establishment candidates, but the news leading up to this year’s event was that Jeb Bush hoped to make inroads there.

It was still dark when we set out, and I joked with Carson about the hour, telling him he’d better get used to it. He retorted that his career in pediatric brain surgery made him no stranger to early mornings. This is a big theme of Carson’s presidential pitch: that neither the rigors of the campaign nor those of the White House can faze a man who held children’s lives in his hands. His life in brain surgery has prepared him for the presidency, he maintains, better than lives in politics have for his rivals. At the very least, he says, it conditioned him against getting too worked up about any problem that isn’t life threatening. “I mean, it’s grueling, but interestingly enough, I don’t feel the pressure,” he said.

At the convention hall, we were quickly surrounded by admirers. Two women were already waiting to meet him — white, middle-aged volunteers for Carson’s super PAC, who had traveled from South Carolina. One of them, Chris Horne, was holding a dog-eared and taped Bible. A founding member of the Charleston Tea Party who went on to work for Gingrich’s successful South Carolina primary campaign in 2012, Horne lamented over the attacks that Carson was sure to face. “You served us, you served the Lord, just don’t let them steal that from you,” she said. Her friend told him, “You’ve got God behind you!” Such religious evocations trailed Carson constantly while I walked the CPAC floor with him. Evangelicals are impressed not only with his devotion to their politics but also with his career path; as one of them told me, what’s more pro-life than saving babies?

During our ride to the conference, Carson told me his speech was not looking to “feed the beast.” When his appointed time came, he kept his remarks as tame as promised. “Real compassion” meant “using our intellect” to help people “climb out of dependency and realize the American dream,” he said. The national debt is going to “destroy us,” Obamacare was about “redistribution and control,” but Republicans better come forward with their own alternative before they repeal it, he said.

Because his speech was first, and it started several minutes early, the auditorium was slow to fill. Still, the first day saw a crush of people seeking autographs and pictures as he roamed the hall. The Draft Carson committee’s 150 volunteers swarmed the auditorium, collecting emails and handing out “Run Ben Run” stickers. After a quick interview with Sean Hannity, the conservative-radio and Fox News host — his second in two days — Carson was off to Tampa.

In the hours that followed his talk, the hall offered a view in miniature of what the next 12 to 14 months might hold for the party. Chris Christie, sitting across from the tough-minded talk-radio host Laura Ingraham, boasted about his multiple vetoes of Planned Parenthood funding, his refusal to raise income taxes and his belief that “sometimes people need to be told to sit down and shut up.” Cruz, an audience favorite, warning his fellow Republicans against falling for a “squishy moderate,” declared, “Take all 125,000 I.R.S. agents and put ’em on our Southern border!” Gov. Scott Walker of Wisconsin, surging in polls, boasted that if he could face down the 100,000 union supporters who protested his legislation limiting collective bargaining for public employees, he could certainly handle ISIS. The next day, the traditional CPAC favorite Rand Paul spoke, packing the hall with his supporters who chanted “President Paul.” He warned, counter to the overall hawkish tenor of the event, that “we should not succumb to the notion that a government inept at home will somehow become successful abroad.” But he also vowed to end foreign aid to countries whose citizens are seen burning American flags. “Not one penny more to these haters of America.”

Perhaps the defining moment came near the end of the conference, when Jeb Bush spoke. In a neat trick of political gamesmanship — and a show of establishment muscle — his team had bused in an ample cheering section for the dozens of cameras on hand for his appearance. But a small contingent of Tea Party activists and Rand Paul supporters staged a walk out. When Bush began a question-and-answer session, they turned and left the auditorium to chant “U.S.A., U.S.A.” in the hallway, led by a man in colonial garb waving a huge “Don’t Tread on Me” banner. Plenty of other detractors stayed in the hall and peppered Bush’s remarks with booing as he stood by positions unpopular with the conservative grass roots: support for the Common Core standards and an immigration overhaul that provides a “path to legal status” for undocumented immigrants. Bush took it all in good humor, but finally seemed to give up.

“For those who made an ‘oo’ sound — is that what it was? — I’m marking you down as neutral,” he said. “And I want to be your second choice.”

Bush strategists told me they would not repeat Romney’s mistakes. Of course they would love to glide to an early nomination, they said, but they are prepared for a long contest and won’t be wasting any energy bending under pressure from a Paul or a Cruz or a Carson.

No one doubts that the pressure will increase, though. Despite the best wishes of the party’s leaders, GOP primary voters have given little indication that they will narrow the field quickly.

Before I left, I spotted Newt Gingrich, himself a fleeting presidential front-runner during those strange primary days of 2012. I asked him whether he thought all the party maneuvering — all the attempts to change the rules and fast-track the process — would preclude someone from presenting the sort of outside primary challenge he had carried out in the last election.

“No,” he told me, as if it was the most obvious thing in the world. “Look at where Ben Carson is right now.”