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Layanan jasa cuci pakaian mungkin sudah sangat biasa terdengar di telinga kita, namun jika kita mendengar jasa layanan cuci sofa atau spring bed pastinya masih asing.

Bisnis ini mungkin juga bisa menjadi peluang usaha bagi Anda yang ingin memulai awal karier di dunia wirausaha. Pasalnya, keuntungan dari layanan jasa cuci sofa dan spring bed ini bisa beromset hingga puluhan juta rupiah per bulannya.

Sugianto salah satu pengembang bisnis layanan cuci sofa dan spring bed, sejak tahun 2008 lalu . Saat itu Sugianto telah terinspirasi dari temannya yang telah memiliki bisnis di bidang laundry pakaian. Demi untuk mewujudkan impian bisnisnya, Sugianto pun keluar dari pekerjaannya di salah satu perusahaan swasta.

"Saya tanya-tanya, belajar dan sampai sekarang ini dan manajemen juga saya atur sendiri ngatur jadwal doang. Nah buka mulai jam delapan setiap hari sampai selesainya saja," ujar Sugianto di Jakarta.

Untuk dapat membangun bisnis jasa cuci sofa dan spring bed, dia memulainya dengan modal awal yang berkisar Rp10 juta. Saat itu, usahanya tersebut hanya bermodalkan mesin vacum pengering sofa dan spring bed yang berjumlah satu saja . Sedangkan mesin tersebut telah dibelinya seharga Rp8 jutaan dan sisa modalnya dipergunakan untuk dapat melengkapi keperluan yang dibutuhkan untuk mencuci sofa dan spring bed.

"Sejak tahun 2008 setelah Lebaran ya, modal awal saya itu sekitar Rp10 juta-Rp15 juta. Dengan modal yang segitu waktu bulan pertama itu omzet saya itu masih sangat kecil, ya namanya juga masih awal merintis. Sebulan pertama itu saya itu telah mendapat omzet sekira cuma Rp2,5 juta, memang kecil inikan butuh proses," jelas dia.

Namun, saat ini, dia juga mengaku, selama lima tahun memperjuangkan bisnisnya agar tetap jalan, hingga kini dirinya sudah bisa meraih omzet hingga Rp20 juta per bulan. Yang dahulu hanya memiliki satu pegawai dan satu mesin vacum, sekarang dia sudah memiliki empat karyawan untuk bekerja sebagai pencuci sofa dan spring bed dan juga sudah memiliki mesin pengering yakni vacum sebanyak empat mesin.

Akan tetapi untuk bisa menjadi seperti ini, dirinya tidak semudah membalikkan telapak tangannya. Sugianto beberapa kali mengalami kesulitan mempromosikan usahanya. Dia juga mengatakan, untuk dapat memperkenalkan usahanya, Sugianto setiap hari menempelkan stiker yang bertuliskan 'terima jasa cuci sofa dan spring bed' di setiap tiang listrik yang dilewatinya. Tak hanya itu, bermodalkan sebuah tripleks, Sugianto menempelkan informasi yang sama seperti pada stikernya.

"Dari segi pemasaran waktu itukan kita belum ada konsumen sama sekali, jadi waktu itu harus promosi terus ke sana kemari,” tukas Sugianto.

Setelah memasuki tahun kedua, dia mencoba dengan cara promosi yang beda yakni membuka website dan sampai saat usahanya pun terus berkembang ini terlihat dari segi omzet per bulannya yang sudah mencapai di kisaran Rp20 jutaan bahkan lebih.

Sementar pada Lebaran tahun 2013 ini, dirinya juga mengaku akan ada sedikit penurunan pada omzetnya bila dibandingkan dengan tahun sebelumnya.

"Kalau tahun lalu itu bisa sekitar Rp15-Rp20 jutaan, tapi kalau Lebaran ini tidak sampai segitu, mungkin di bawah itu sedikit. Inikan karena sudah banyak saingan di bisnis ini," paparnya.

Sugianto juga menjelaskan, cara mencuci sofa dan spring bed tersebut telah menggunakan chemical atau cairan khusus yakni pembersih sofa. Di mana setelah dilakukan pencucian dengan menggunakan cairan khusus tersebut barulah dilakukan proses pengeringan dengan menggunakan mesin vacum yang lebih kuat dari vacum-vacum yang biasanya dipakai sehari-hari.

"Vacum berdaya 1.300 watt itu telah memiliki daya sedot hingga mililiter per detik. Yang jelas kekuatan lebih kuat dari vacum yang sehari-hari," ucap Sugianto.

Berbeda dengan jasa lainnya, Sugiarto melakukan jemput bola di tempat si pemilik sofa atau spring bed. Lama pengerjaan pun relatif singkat hanya satu hingga dua jam. “Pengerjaannya dilakukan oleh dua orang, dan proses pengeringannya harus benar-benar kering sekali dan baru bisa diduduki kembali," jelas dia.

Perlakuan yang sama juga diterapkan untuk dapat membersihkan spring bed. Namun, untuk proses pengeringannya memakan waktu hingga delapan jam. “Karena spring bed itu luas. Pengeringannya tidak memakai pemanas. Jadi harus ditunggu hingga benar-benar kering, baru bisa dipakai," tutup Sugianto.

 

PENGUSAHA JASA CUCI SOFA RAUP OMZET RP20 JUTA

WASHINGTON — The former deputy director of the C.I.A. asserts in a forthcoming book that Republicans, in their eagerness to politicize the killing of the American ambassador to Libya, repeatedly distorted the agency’s analysis of events. But he also argues that the C.I.A. should get out of the business of providing “talking points” for administration officials in national security events that quickly become partisan, as happened after the Benghazi attack in 2012.

The official, Michael J. Morell, dismisses the allegation that the United States military and C.I.A. officers “were ordered to stand down and not come to the rescue of their comrades,” and he says there is “no evidence” to support the charge that “there was a conspiracy between C.I.A. and the White House to spin the Benghazi story in a way that would protect the political interests of the president and Secretary Clinton,” referring to the secretary of state at the time, Hillary Rodham Clinton.

But he also concludes that the White House itself embellished some of the talking points provided by the Central Intelligence Agency and had blocked him from sending an internal study of agency conclusions to Congress.

Photo
 
Michael J. Morell Credit Mark Wilson/Getty Images

“I finally did so without asking,” just before leaving government, he writes, and after the White House released internal emails to a committee investigating the State Department’s handling of the issue.

A lengthy congressional investigation remains underway, one that many Republicans hope to use against Mrs. Clinton in the 2016 election cycle.

In parts of the book, “The Great War of Our Time” (Twelve), Mr. Morell praises his C.I.A. colleagues for many successes in stopping terrorist attacks, but he is surprisingly critical of other C.I.A. failings — and those of the National Security Agency.

Soon after Mr. Morell retired in 2013 after 33 years in the agency, President Obama appointed him to a commission reviewing the actions of the National Security Agency after the disclosures of Edward J. Snowden, a former intelligence contractor who released classified documents about the government’s eavesdropping abilities. Mr. Morell writes that he was surprised by what he found.

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“You would have thought that of all the government entities on the planet, the one least vulnerable to such grand theft would have been the N.S.A.,” he writes. “But it turned out that the N.S.A. had left itself vulnerable.”

He concludes that most Wall Street firms had better cybersecurity than the N.S.A. had when Mr. Snowden swept information from its systems in 2013. While he said he found himself “chagrined by how well the N.S.A. was doing” compared with the C.I.A. in stepping up its collection of data on intelligence targets, he also sensed that the N.S.A., which specializes in electronic spying, was operating without considering the implications of its methods.

“The N.S.A. had largely been collecting information because it could, not necessarily in all cases because it should,” he says.

The book is to be released next week.

Mr. Morell was a career analyst who rose through the ranks of the agency, and he ended up in the No. 2 post. He served as President George W. Bush’s personal intelligence briefer in the first months of his presidency — in those days, he could often be spotted at the Starbucks in Waco, Tex., catching up on his reading — and was with him in the schoolhouse in Florida on the morning of Sept. 11, 2001, when the Bush presidency changed in an instant.

Mr. Morell twice took over as acting C.I.A. director, first when Leon E. Panetta was appointed secretary of defense and then when retired Gen. David H. Petraeus resigned over an extramarital affair with his biographer, a relationship that included his handing her classified notes of his time as America’s best-known military commander.

Mr. Morell says he first learned of the affair from Mr. Petraeus only the night before he resigned, and just as the Benghazi events were turning into a political firestorm. While praising Mr. Petraeus, who had told his deputy “I am very lucky” to run the C.I.A., Mr. Morell writes that “the organization did not feel the same way about him.” The former general “created the impression through the tone of his voice and his body language that he did not want people to disagree with him (which was not true in my own interaction with him),” he says.

But it is his account of the Benghazi attacks — and how the C.I.A. was drawn into the debate over whether the Obama White House deliberately distorted its account of the death of Ambassador J. Christopher Stevens — that is bound to attract attention, at least partly because of its relevance to the coming presidential election. The initial assessments that the C.I.A. gave to the White House said demonstrations had preceded the attack. By the time analysts reversed their opinion, Susan E. Rice, now the national security adviser, had made a series of statements on Sunday talk shows describing the initial assessment. The controversy and other comments Ms. Rice made derailed Mr. Obama’s plan to appoint her as secretary of state.

The experience prompted Mr. Morell to write that the C.I.A. should stay out of the business of preparing talking points — especially on issues that are being seized upon for “political purposes.” He is critical of the State Department for not beefing up security in Libya for its diplomats, as the C.I.A., he said, did for its employees.

But he concludes that the assault in which the ambassador was killed took place “with little or no advance planning” and “was not well organized.” He says the attackers “did not appear to be looking for Americans to harm. They appeared intent on looting and conducting some vandalism,” setting fires that killed Mr. Stevens and a security official, Sean Smith.

Mr. Morell paints a picture of an agency that was struggling, largely unsuccessfully, to understand dynamics in the Middle East and North Africa when the Arab Spring broke out in late 2011 in Tunisia. The agency’s analysts failed to see the forces of revolution coming — and then failed again, he writes, when they told Mr. Obama that the uprisings would undercut Al Qaeda by showing there was a democratic pathway to change.

“There is no good explanation for our not being able to see the pressures growing to dangerous levels across the region,” he writes. The agency had again relied too heavily “on a handful of strong leaders in the countries of concern to help us understand what was going on in the Arab street,” he says, and those leaders themselves were clueless.

Moreover, an agency that has always overvalued secretly gathered intelligence and undervalued “open source” material “was not doing enough to mine the wealth of information available through social media,” he writes. “We thought and told policy makers that this outburst of popular revolt would damage Al Qaeda by undermining the group’s narrative,” he writes.

Instead, weak governments in Egypt, and the absence of governance from Libya to Yemen, were “a boon to Islamic extremists across both the Middle East and North Africa.”

Mr. Morell is gentle about most of the politicians he dealt with — he expresses admiration for both Mr. Bush and Mr. Obama, though he accuses former Vice President Dick Cheney of deliberately implying a connection between Al Qaeda and Iraq that the C.I.A. had concluded probably did not exist. But when it comes to the events leading up to the Bush administration’s decision to go to war in Iraq, he is critical of his own agency.

Mr. Morell concludes that the Bush White House did not have to twist intelligence on Saddam Hussein’s alleged effort to rekindle the country’s work on weapons of mass destruction.

“The view that hard-liners in the Bush administration forced the intelligence community into its position on W.M.D. is just flat wrong,” he writes. “No one pushed. The analysts were already there and they had been there for years, long before Bush came to office.”

Ex-C.I.A. Official Rebuts Republican Claims on Benghazi Attack in ‘The Great War of Our Time’

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